1776 PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. ever orders he iffued, was in compliance with applications made by feveral gentlemen, to have the ftanding order which excludes all frangers, punctually enforced. Here he was reminded, by one of the gentlemen (Mr. Geo. Johnftone) that on a former application to the chair, to have the ftanding order relaxed, he (the fpeaker) faid he could not, without the confent of the noble lord over the way (lord North.) The fpeaker replied without blushing, that if he referred him to the noble lord, it was meant as no more than a general reference to his lord hip, as one out of four or five others, who had applied to him, to fee the ftanding order carried ftrictly into execution. was in the whole of this explanation, There fomething extremely aukward in the filence of the noble lord, and the clumfy defence made by the fpeaker. It would have had a much better appearance, if the minifter had owned the inftructions, and the speaker confeffed he obeyed them. April 25. A motion was made this day, " it is the opinion of this Houfe, that "that the introducing of foreign troops into any part of the dominions of Great Britain, without the previous confent or approbation of the parliament of Great Britain, is contrary to the principles of the conftitution, and not warranted by law." The motion was made by Sir James Lowther, and was in fubftance the fame with that made by him before Christmas, and another made by the duke of Manchefter in the House of Lords. It was warmly debated till eleven at night, when the previous question being put, it paffed in the negative, 149 to 88. The arguments reforted to in this debate, were exactly fimilar to thofe ufed in the two former debates on the fame fubject; for which fee this hiftory, in our magazines for the months of January and February last. April 30. 1 575 fitting in the prefent parliament," be expunged from the journals of this House, rights of the whole body of electors of as being fubverfive of the this kingdom."-The grounds of this queflion having been fo repeatedly difcufled in both Houfes of parliament observe, that after a fhort debate, it in various forms, it will be enough to was negatived by a majority of 186 to 92. moved, for the fecond reading of Mr. Same day the order of the day was Burke's bili, "to prevent the inhuman cuftom of plundering wrecks ;” made to difcharge the order, which and a debate arifing, a motion was fo that the bill was unexpectedly loit, was carried by a majority of 55 to 43 i by a parliamentary manoeuvre, at leaft its first reading, by both parties, to in this ftage; it having been agreed on give the bill a fair trial, by fending however vain, it to a committee.-Refittance was as all the members from the maritime counties, but a few merchants, oppofed it moft ftrenuously. ged in behalf of the bill, and several by the oppofers of the bill, was not to This day Mr. Alderman Wilkes moved, "that the refolution of this Houfe of the 17th of February 1769, that John Wilkes, esq. having been in this feffion of parliament expelled this Houfe, was, and is incapable, of may 576 Alterations in the Houses of Parliament, &c. may be of fenatorial fubtilty, it contains not a fingle grain of common f.nfe, unless we fuppole that the fame legiflature which was to enact a law to levy the lofs on the hundred, were not competent to accompany the condition with the ability of performing it, namely extending its jurifdiction in this inftance, as far as might be neceffary, to make the hundred equitably refponfible for the damages and Joffes incurred. Νον. We should not have made any ob. fervation on the above bill, but that we expect to fee the attempt to pats it into a law made year after year, till it fhall at length meet with the defired fuccefs; as it is the only veftige of our Pagan barbarifin, which yet remains to difgrace us in the eyes of every Chriftian, polite and commercial nation in Europe. Alterations in the Houses of Parliament fince the last Seffions. HOUSE OF LORDS. Charles Lord Cadegan, dead-fucceeded by his Son, Charles Sloane Cadogan, who was Stephen Earl of lichefter dead -- fucceeded by his Son, Henry Thomas Fox ON TRUE generofity is a duty as indifRUE generofity is a duty as indifpofed upon us by law. It is a rule impofed upon us by reafon, which hould be the fovereign law of a rational being. But this generofity does not confift in obeying every impulfe of humanity, in following blind paffion for our guide, and impairing our circumftances by prefent benefactions, which may render us incapable of future ones, or doing juftice where it js due. EXAMPLE. Sir George Brilliant is a man whofe greatnefs of foul the whole world admires; his generofity is fuch, that it prevents a demand, and faves the receiver the trouble and confufion of a request. His liberality alfo does not oblige more by its greatness than by his inimitable grace in giving. Sometimes he even diftributes his bounties to strangers, and has been known to do good offices to thofe who profeffed themfelves his enemies. All the world are unanimous in praife of his generofity; there is only one fort of people who complain of his conduct-his creditors. Sir George is reminded to difcharge his debts. He is told that his baker afks a debt of fifty pounds, and that an acquaintance in diftrefs folicits the fame fum: he gives it without hesitation to the latter, Political 1776. T Political Character of Lord SHELBURNE. HIS nobleman's character, if at full length, would abound with incidents as curious and extraordinary as any in the tedious muiter-roll, which contains the names of the prefent poffeffors and competitors for power; but as our profeffed plan prevents us from pushing our enquiries farther back than the difgraceful treaty entered into by that once truly great man, the prefent earl of Chatham, in which he furrendered the majesty of the people of England, in return for a peerage and an irrefponfible office, we find ourfelves of courfe obliged to refer our readers to fome of the Atalantis's of the day, for the hackney tales of the Thane (a), Tycho (b), Volpone (c), and Malagrida (d). To thofe precious repofitories, we chearfully direct the inquifitive, unfledged politician, and proceed to the execution of our task. We find lord Shelburne in the cabinet, as one of lord Chatham's fecretaries of ftate, in the fpring 1767, when the American port duties were devifed elsewhere, but publickly fupported by a faithlefs chancellor of the exchequer (e), contrary to the fentiments of his colleagues in office. This is the prevailing opinion: he is not forthcoming to answer for himself; but as no man who knew him, entertains a fingle doubt of his unbounded ambition, his verfatility and want of fyftem, charity obliges, and common fenfe urges us, to fuppofe, that the duke of Grafton, and the lords Chatham, Shelburne, and Camden, be their faults what they may in other refpects, would hardly have confented to a measure which at once emptied them of every pretenfion to public virtue or political value, if they had not been compelled by a power greater or as great as the himfelf. Lord Shelburne, therefore, we may prefume, pufhed on by this fovereign irrefiftible momentum, gave way, the confequences of which was, that we were presented with that famous Nov. 1776. 577 law for laying duties on tea, paper, painters colours, and glass. The adminiftration we have just been fpeaking of, the blackeft, the most deftructive that this nation ever faw, was in its diffolution no lefs extraordinary, than in its formation. It was no fooner formed, than its ruin was determined. The noble lord (f) who was at the head of it, loft his fenfes probably, as well as his health and popularity. The chancellor of the exchequer (g), who alwyas hated, envied, and feared him, profited of the glorious opportunity: he fowed, with able malignity, jealoufies and animofities that became impoffible to cure or remove. He paid his court alternately in the clofet, and to the houfe of Bedford; and when he had rendered every man in the cabinet hateful to the public, contemptible to the council table, and defpicable in parliament, he then rendered them hateful and defpicable to each other. The laft act of his life, more immediately relating to the noble lord who is the fubject of this day, will ferve as a fpecimen of the manner thofe mere minifterial phantoms, as they paffed in fucceffion, were treated and difmiffed. In the fummer of 1767, the views of France upon Corfica came too apparent to be beheld with indifference by an English adminiftration. Lord Shelburne, as fecretary of ftate for the fouthern department, with the confent, if not approbation, of the other members of the cabinet, gave inftructions to our minister at the French court, to remonftrate against the meature of making a conquest of Corfica. Choifeul, who knew the imbecillity of thofe minifterial fhadows that then occupied the feveral refponfible offices of the ftate, treated the remonstrance with the contempt that was natural. The noble lord (b) who made it could not endure this fituation, and inftantly, without leave or notice at either fide of the water, it is faid, returned to Eng4 E land. (a) Lord Bute. (b) Lord Chatham. (c) The late Lord Holland. (d) Lord Shelburne. (e) The late Charles Townjbend. (1) Lord Chatham. (g) The late Charles Townshend. (b) Lord Rochford. 578 Political Character of Lord Shelburne. Jand. What was the confequence? The French ambaffador here received the fulleft affurances (and from an authority that could not be queftioned) that lord Shelburne acted entirely on his own head. The remonftrance was difclaimed by the other members of administration; his lordship was difmiffed, and the very perfon who remonftrated appointed fecretary of ftate. His lordship from that inftant commenced a violent partizan against the meafures of the court, and on many occafions has proved a very powerful adverfary. He joined the minifter in the measure of new modelling the Eaft India company, and fome other matters of lefs confequence, which has given rife to feveral reports of his again returning into office, under the present court fyftem. This however can hardly be credited, uniefs by thofe who would wish to reprefent him as one of the moit weak, as well as the most unprincipled men that ever appeared upon the public stage. His opinions delivered in parliament relative to the unhappy difputes which diftract, divide, and indeed threaten the deftruction, if not total diffolution of this once glorious and envied empire, materially correfpond, or rather feem to be copied from thofe avowed by his patron and confidential friend (i); and here we think it a part of our duty to give the fulleft teftimony in their favour, and at the fame tinie to fubmit a short sketch of them to our readers. His lordfhip has uniformly (at least in his parliamentary fpeeches on that fubject) contended for the fupreme dominion of this country over all its members and dependencies, as exercifed through that true conftitutional medium, the executive powers of the ftate. On this ground he has maintained the prerogative of the fovereign, refpecting the exclufive unconditional right he has to the order. ing and directing the military force of the nation, under the dernier controul of parliament, and the inherent right of the legislature, to enact certain laws that fhall be binding on all the members of the empire. This general outline will be more fully understood by the following explanation. His lord@hip thinks that the fovereign of 5 (i) Lord Nov. Great Britain may fend or order his troops to America or Ireland, or withdraw them at pleasure; and that he can no more part with this grand prerogative, notwithstanding any promife, conceffion, or engagement he may hereafter make, than he can with his crown; and that the parliament have a right to pafs laws for regulating the commerce of Ireland and America, with all the neceffary confequences of inforcing them, by the establishing courts of admiralty, and creating penalties for their due and juft obfervance. On the other hand, he is equally clear, that the parliament have no right to tax unrepresented America; that it is a principle in this conftitution, that all its native fubjects are entitled to equal privileges, the most important and leading of which is, the granting their own money; and that the injuftice of robbing the colonifts of this facred and invaluable franchife, can only be equalled by the folly, madness, and inexpediency of the attempt. His lordship, though a man of strong fpeculative abilities, was put into offices of great trust, much too early. His youth and inexperience were not to be balanced by the mere raw efforts of a natural good understanding. A knowledge of bufinefs, and the habits that are acquired by an intimate acquaintance with it, are not to be compenfated by any degree of fpeculative refearch, however ably or diligently purfued; and we are not backward in declaring this very important truth, that one of the greateft misfortunes of this prefent reign has been that boys have been made minifters; and that clolet arrangements have fuperfeded the juft pretenfions of long experience, and official merit. This obfervation is by no means particularly pointed at the noble lord, nor, if it were, would it be at prefent properly applied. His lordship's talents as a parlia mentary speaker are well known. He abounds in information well worthy the attention of his noble auditory, and of the very minifters whofe meafures he oppofes. His fpeeches bear the appearance of having been studied and arranged, previous to their delivery: they are judiciously conceived, fententious and correct; and never fail of impreffing his fentiments, in the Chatbam. mod 1776. Political Character of Lord Hillsborough. moft pointed and perfpicuous manner. His general acquaintance with books, particularly with the political hiftory of Europe, the general interefts of commerce, and thofe of the Britif empire, are evident proofs of his induftry and found judgement. In fine, he is the most useful fpeaker in the houfe of lords, on the part of oppofition; his abfence or defection therefore 579 would, at this important crifis, be moft feverely felt. On the other hand, his lordship's harangues though delivered with facility have too much the appearance of art and fludy; while his conftant appeals to the candour and indulgence of his hearers, are evidently mere traps for applaufe; and by their frequent repetition become tirefome and disgufting. Political Character of Lord HILLSBOROUGH. T the commencement of the pe Ait, comment we have limited the grounds of information, which we propofe from time to time to lay before the public, namely, the change of administration in 1766, under the aufpices of the earl of Chatham, we find the noble lord, whofe character as a public man, and abilities as a public fpeaker, is to furnish the prefent fubject, provided for as a court veteran of tried fervice, on half pay, by being put into poffeffion of that lucrative appointment, poft-mafter general of the British empire. He was too great and useful a fervant, and too able and confidential a fupport to that system, introduced at the acceffion of his prefent majefty, to be permitted to fuffer in the struggles of party. As foon, therefore, as certain clofet affurances had, unhappily for lord Chatham, lulled the noble lord into a fatal fecurity; as foon as the intrigues of the junto had fucceeded, fo as to detach the great lord of the treafury (duke of Grafton) from his principal; and finally, as foon as, through fimilar arts, and the unbounded ambition and unprecedented verfatility and vanity of the man, the very chancellor of the exchequer (Charles Town fhend) whole bufinefs it was to fupport the measures of the firft commillioner of the treatury in the Houfe of Commons, at once betrayed his engagements as a man, and his office as a minifter, by driving the venal herd of St. Stephen's into the measures of American taxation; the moment arrived in which his old friend faw the neceffity of bringing lord Hillsborough into a fituation, which would enable him to co-operate in their defigns. It was not, however, till early in the year 1768, fome months after the death of that blazing meteor*, that compound of great talents and great folly, of fpeculative virtue, and actual meannefs and duplicity, that his lordship was appointed fecretary of state for the American colonies. Hitherto the office bore another name, that of first lord commiffioner of trade and plantations: but in proportion to the magnitude of the objects, then in contemplation by the chofen few, and the known deferts and fecret difpofition of the man, a greater eclat was given to this new appointment than had been known fince the days of Henry the Eighth. A third fecretary of state was added, the whole power of the board was invested in him, and it seems the arduous undertaking of bullying and foothing alternately the colonies, as circumstances ferved, was committed to this noble perfon. The port duties, laid on in 1767 by the chancellor of the exchequer, as has been before obferved, contrary to the fentiments of the oftenfible miniftert, and the young whigt first lord of the treafury, having occafioned the refolution and united determination of the colonies, not to import any article of British growth or British commerce, the first official act of our new fecretary was the writing of that famous letter to the refpective governors of the colonies, defiring them to affure the feveral affemblies, as a matter previously confidered, and finally determined on in cabinet, that no further taxes for the purpofe of railing a revenue in America, fiould be laid on, raifed, or levied by a British parliment; and that if they (the govern4 E 2 * The late Charles Townshend. Lord Chatham. ↑ Duke of Grafton. ors) |