ment of Judea; all which things are contradictory to, inconsistent with, and exclusive of temporal sovereignty; he severely rebuked his disciples, who appeared surprised at his not using the powers (which they knew he possessed) of resistance against the unjust sentence of his death.

"The miracles which Moses performed were calculated to remove a whole people out of a land of bondage, and establish them in a land of promise, which were temporal objects: the miracles of Christ were calculated to impress the minds of men with geberal benevolence and charity; he went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed by the devil. (Acts xvi. 38.) No one act of his mission, jurisdiction, or power, when upon earth, went to affect a single object of civil or of temporal jurisdiction: he even chose rather to work a miracle, in order to provide himself with the means of paying the tax to the Roman emperor, than to leave it to the judgment of men by what title he could have acquired any temporal property. Indeed, all the inspired writers appear anxious to impress us with the conviction, that as he possessed nothing in this world, so temporal possessions were no objects of his divine mission.

"Thus did he commission his apostles to go about tanquam nihil habentes sed omnia possidentes. Ile never would permit external or forcible means to be used to promote or inculcate his doctrines; no aid of the civil magistrate was called upon, much less was any enjoined: He 'that hath ears to hear, let him hear,' (Luke viii. 8.) for faith is from hearing." (Rom. x. 7.) Preaching was the only mean Christ used, and commissioned his disciples to use: he neither employed, directed, nor authorized any coercive power to compel submission; he allured men by no flattering prospects of a promised land or temporal prosperity; but he foretold to his followers, that they were to expect adversity and prosecution in this world; though such as should not receive and follow his word, should meet with condign punishment; not in this life, but in the next. He that believeth not shall 'be condemned.' (Mark xvi. 16.)

"The sacred text is as explicit in describing the nature, as it is in de ducing the derivation of the power of

6

that

the kingdom of Christ; for when Pilate observed, that he then professed himself to be a king,' he answered, that he was a king, but a king of truth, and for this cause he came into the world, that he should 'bear witness unto truth.' (John xviii. 37.) This passage of St. John unequivocally demonstrates, there does exist in this world a spiritual power or kingdom of Christ, which is not derived from any temporal source, but comnes immediately from God, and which has not for its object any of those temporal things, which are the objects of temporal sovereignties.

"Our divine Lord said, that, if his kingdom were of this world,' (that is, either by its derivation or nature, femporal) ́ ́ his constituents would rise up in his defence.' (John xviii. 26.) Νυν δε ἡ βασίλεια ή έμή εκ 15 se, but now my kingdom is not from hence; that is, it is neither temporal by derivation, nor by nature, for the one imports the other; and the conditional supposition of our Lord, E EX TO NOTμ Tula m ǹ βασιλεία ή έμη, &c. If my kingdom were of this world,' is a conclusive argument, that there are or may be kingdoms of this world, ex TH NOTES Tale, exude, from hence, or in other words, which receive their power from men or the people. And here lies the grand difference between the two powers; that which is levey, or EX т8 XOσμS 7878, is the human, or civil, or temporal power; that which is not so, is the kingdom of truth, established by Christ in person upon earth, and is the spiritual or divine power.

"The establishment of this kingdom of truth, of which our blessed Redeemer professed himself to be really the king, is the establishment of Christianity, which is essentially separate and distinct from, and wholly independent of any temporal or civil government or state whatever: it is a kingdom of truth, in which Christ, by force of truth, brings souls to his obedience; and he has by word and example taught us, that it was not to be supported by the means of coercion and force, which are necessary to maintain civil, human, or temporal governments, in due submission or obedience. But as it is a kingdom, it must necessarily be supported by government; and what the nature of this government is, will be the sub

ject of the ensuing chapter." p. 219

-223.

Chap. III. Of church government in general. Our limits will not allow us to do more, than to give the general topics of this and the following chapters. Mr. P. shews the necessity of church government; catholicity of

the church; Christ the source of all faith and spiritual power; unity and indefectibility of the church, its governors, and error with respect to them; reasons for exacting the oath of supremacy from catholics; the civil advantages of the clergy; and the distinction between order and jurisdiction.

Chap. IV. Of order and jurisdiction. This chapter treats of the power of the keys; ceremonies of ordination and consecration; conge d'elire; doctrines of catholics concerning the pope; differences between catholics and the church of England; and source of spiritual jurisdiction independent of human authority.

Chap. V. Of the objects of spiritual power, contains the foundation of obedience to, and extent of, spiritual authority in England; explanation of infallibility, and the nature of the power given by Christ to his apostles. Chap. VI. Of the alliance between church and state, and of a test law. This chapter is occupied on the test laws, and subscription to the articles, in which the opinions of Warburton, Paley, and Hooker, are examined, and some of them controverted.

Chap. VII. Of tythes and other church property.

Chap. VIII. Of the civil establishment of the catholic religion in England before the reformation. This is illustrated by extracts from history, and legal opinions and docu

ments.

Chap. IX. Of spiritual or ecclesiastical courts.

Chap. X. Of the king's supremacy. In this chapter many circumstances of history, particularly from the reign of Henry VIII. are inserted, and a discussion of the nature of the oath of supremacy.

The Appendix contains the conditions as specified in the act of union.

In this work we think there ap. pears an evident predilection in favour of the Roman Catholic religion, and the political system of Mr. Locke, and the arguments used are intended to support those systems.

XXXIX. SOULAVIE'S MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XVI.

(Continued from p. 103.)

VOL. II. CHAP. IV. ours, the author, in this chapter, N resuming these interesting medescribes the childhood of Lewis XVI. who "had an austere deportment, was grave, reserved, and frequently blunt, without any taste for play or entertainments, accompanied with noise, and so habitually addicted to truth, that he was never known to tell a lie. He employed himself chiefly in copying, and afterwards in composing geographical charts, and in polishing iron with a file."

"it

The character of his tutors, the Duke of Vauguyon, and Cotloquist, the old Bishop of Limoges, are introduced, and the author says, is to the former history ought to ascribe the aversion which the king entertained for the Duke of Choiseul.”

When he became dauphin, Madame Adélaide attempted to introduce him into the council, that he might be initiated in the knowledge of public affairs. Lewis XV. opposed this overture, and was often heard to say, I should be glad to know how Berry will be able to extricate himself from them:' it was thus that he named him.

"Timidity, beneficence, and modesty, were the three first characteristics which the Duke of Berry manifested when he became Dauphin of France. He repulsed flattery, he gave ear to the complaints of the unfortunate, he desired to know the particulars of their case, he took pleasure in observing the workmen who were employed at the castle or in the gardens, and would frequently assist them in raising a heavy stone or a beam, which they could not well manage. By dint of filing and hammering, he became an expert workman in the making of locks. The Dauphiness, on seeing him with his hands all black, called him by no other name than my god Vulcan.' Why have they reproached him with this innocent employment as a crime? Did not Lewis XV. sometimes act the part of a cook &c.

"At the death of Lewis XV. France was so tired of his reign, that

in every quarter his grandson Lewis XVI. was publicly called by the name of Lewis the Desired.'... but the partisans of the old court did not relish this title; they opposed to it that of Lewis the Beneficent;' and this qualification was generally adopted in works of poetry, in official compliments, and private conversation." He himself had said, amidst the licentiousness of the old court, that he wished to be called Lewis the Severe.' . . . "Lewis XVI. was severe and mistrustful towards the nobility of his court. He was not fond of the great. He discovered no taste for noisy pleasures, for balls, gaming, shows, pageantry, and still less for libertinism. He felt no attraction in royal authority, which was always burden. some to him. He was, however, much attached to the glory of his house; he dreaded the undertaking of any enterprize which might tarnish its lustre; he was penetrated with the instructions of his father against the views of the House of Austria, and the principles of the Duke of Choiseul, and his life was a perpetual and secret struggle, in which he was supported by the Duke of Vergennes, against the ambition of his consort. The spies, whom Lewis XVI. retained in the cabinet of Vienna, constantly represented this princess as Austrian, both by character and principle, in the palace of Versailles. He lived with her, nevertheless, as a good husband; but, like a king of France, was always vigilant with regard, to the views of the House of Austria, and attempted to elude them. Of this we shall exhibit some proofs.

"When Lewis XVI. ascended the throne, he was about nineteen years and nine months old: he had then been married four years. He had no taste for gallantry, and he avoided the company of women of seductive dispositions. . He was diffident in the company of women, very little adapted to please them, being deficient in the graces, and loving no other than Maria Antoinetta his consort." p. 30.

The author describes the king's apartments at Versailles, the furniture of which discovers his skill in geography; and his attention to political information, is evidenced in the

careful arrangement of his papers, and the secresy of their security. Here was also a room, in which was a forge, two anvils, and a number of iron tools, with several common locks. There were also private locks, of which some were of copper ornamented and gilt.

"Lewis XVI. was distinguished by such a peculiarity of character, that it may, in some measure, be said, there were in him two men, a man who knows, and a man who wills." He had an astonishing memory, of which the author gives an instance. "He was one day presented with a long account, in the statement of which the minister had placed an article of expenditure, which had been inserted in the account of the preceding year: Here is a double entry,' said the king, bring me the account of last year, and I will shew you that this article is mentioned in it.' "When the king was thoroughly acquainted with all the particulars of an affair, and discovered any violation of justice, he was severe, even to a degree of brutality. A flagrant act of injustice made him overleap the ordinary bounds of his character; he would then insist upon being obeyed that moment, both to make sure of atonement, and to prevent any similar misconduct in future.

But in the great affairs of state, the king who wills, who commands, was not to be found in this monarch. Lewis XVI. was, upon the throne, nothing superior to those private persons whom we meet with in society; so weak in intellectual faculties, that nature has rendered them incapable of forming an opinion. the midst of his pusillanimity, he placed his confidence entirely in a particular minister; and though, among the variety of opinions delivered in his cabinet-council, he well knew which was the best, he never once had the resolution to say,

In

I prefer the advice of such a one. Here lay the copious source of national misfortune.

"He was endowed with an understanding, methodical and analytical: he divided his compositions into chapters and sections. He had extracted from the works of Nicole and Fenelon, his favourite authors, between three and four hundred short sentimental phrases, which he had

arranged according to the subjects, and had composed of them a second work, in the taste and manner of Montesquieu. The title which he gave to this treatise,was, Of a temperate Monarchy, with some chapters, entitled, Of the Person of the PrinceOf the Authority of the different Branches of a State Of the Character and Exercise of the executive Power of a Monarchy, &c. If he could have carried into execution all that he perceived of the beautiful and grand in Fenelon, Lewis XVI. would have been an accomplished monarch-France would have been a powerful monarchy." He was endowed with a spirit of foresight, of which his ministers were totally destitute; as he alone beheld from a distance the destiny and ruin of France.

We present our readers with the following anecdotes of this prince as deserving of notice. "In one of the letters sent him by his minister, M. Turgot, who was piqued because the king refused to adopt his plan of reform, is written, that the fate of Charles I. or of Charles IX. is that of all monarchs who are governed by flatterers.'-Lewis XVI. returned this letter, under a cover sealed with the small seal royal, with the following inscription in his own hand : 'Letter of M.Turgot.' He had translated from the English, a language very familar to him, the defence of Richard III. who was accused of 'crimes of which he was innocent.

"The Count d'Artois, who, from a habit of gaming, was accustomed to play high, wished to excite in his brother the same kind of passion. Will you bet a thousand double louis-d'ors?' said the Count d'Artois to him one day. I will play with you with all my heart,' replied the king, but I bet no more than a crown; you are too rich to play 6 with me. He could not bear to see persons play high at his court.

"Another time, M. d'Angivillers, while the king was on a journey, ordered some repairs to be made in the small apartments. These repairs cost thirty thousand francs. The king, on his return, being informed of the expence, made the whole castle resound with cries and complaints against the extravagance of M. d'Angivillers, I might have made thirty families happy with the sum,' said Lewis XVI. p. 25-43.

Chap. V. contains the portrait, character, and anecdotes of Maria Antoinetta, who, immediately on her arrival in France, experienced contradictions which women with difficulty forget. Her mother demanded by her ambassador, that Mademoiselle de Lorraine, her relation, and the Prince of Lambesc, should have rank next after the princes of the blood of the House of Bourbon, at the festivals given upon the marriage of her daughter with the Dauphin of France. This request was made by Lewis XV. an affair of state, but the women of the court opposed a determinate resist. ance to the formal demand made by the king. They carried their obstinacy so far as to absent themselves from the ball, rather than be deprived of the right of dancing the first. Madame de Bouillon, of all the ladies, distinguished herself the most by the violence of her refusal and her observations on the occasion. Lewis XV. was so much offended, at her behaviour, that this lady appeared no more at court. The Dauphiness, on her part, entertained such resentment, that she procured a copy of the letters which Lewis XV. had sent to the peers, saying, as she locked them up in her strong box: I shall remem⚫ber it.' 66 Having been educated in the principle, that the Imperial House was the first house in the world, and seeing those who were mere duchesses contest with her family the precedency next to our princes, felt strong resentment on the occasion. In vain did Madame Noailles tell her with respect, but laconically, that the etiquette was severe and inexorable at the court of France: the Dauphiness, from that moment only made her the object of ridicule, and resolved to exclude as much as possible from her house the titled females, that she might no longer be served by ladies who maintained such proud pretensions.

"The four first years that Maria Antoinetta lived in France are the only happy years that she passed in that country. The young Dauphiness had an angelic figure; the clearness of her complexion was remarkable, the colours were lively and distinct, her features regular, her shape slender; but her eyes, though beautiful, were liable to continual fluxions. She had the Austrian under-lip. She was of a caressing disposition, cheerful,

attentive to please, and well instructed by her mother how to make herself beloved by all the court, had she chosen to follow her lessons. The pulpits, the academies, the most distinguished societies, the journals, the almanacks of the muses, all lavished upon her their applause. Flattery had as yet retained in France the forms and the tone of the interesting reign of Lewis XIV.

"Maria Antoinetta had been educated by her mother to be one day queen of France. She became acquainted at Vienna with our fashions, our usages, our ceremonial; but she was hardly arrived at Versailles when she began to rid herself of every circumstance that imposed upon her any restraint. She went abroad on foot, accompanied by one or two ladies of her court, her gentlemanusher walking at a distance behind. She invited her brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law to dinner and supper, and accepted of the same entertainments from them, without any parade. She was affable, humane, sympathising, and often delicate in her beneficence. A stag, which had been wounded during a chase, when the king was present, struck with his horns a poor peasant. The dauphiDess, on hearing of the incident, flew to his assistance, took his wife into her carriage, loaded her with kindness, and granted her a pension." p.50, 51. Haughtiness of mind produced a growing enmity between the queen and her sisters-in-law, and it is added, the experienced the resentment of the princesses her aunts. "The more the young queen was handsome, amiable, insinuating, bold, rash, frivolous in her taste and desires, ambitious of dominion, and jealous of her title of archduchess, which she displayed on every occasion, so much as to be noticed by the court, they likewise be. came the more haughty, affecting the superb style of the best years of the reign of Lewis XV. Who could be lieve that the five princesses, the three aunts, and two sisters-in-law, entertained against the queen such a violent animosity, that they strove with each other who should most calumniate her private life? Whatever one suggested, another confirmed, and a third subjoined her authority to render the anecdotes incontestible.

"The queen, on her part, carried her vindictive resentment so far as VOL. 1.

to intimate suspicions with regard to the virtue of Madame and the Coun tess of Artois. To such a length was perfidy extended, that impartial ob servers of these intrigues accused Maria Antoinetta of having been in league with the men of gallantry, and even with the guards, who exposed Madame d'Artois before the public towards the last years of the mo narchy." p. 59, 60.

The queen's dress is the subject of animadversion in this chapter, particularly for introducing the fashion of large feathers, which disgusted the aunts, who called these feathers an ornament for horses.' The king, who was plain in his taste, spoke to her with diffidence of these singular ornaments. But in the beginning of 1776, upon giving her half the diamonds which he had when dauphin, he said to her, Keep yourself to this dress, which will not be attended with farther expence.' This advice of the king had no effect upon her, and her rage for feathers became such, that the cost of a single one was fifty louis-d'ors. Your charms," however, added Lewis XVI. ' stand in no need of embellishment.'

"Maria Theresa joined the king in diverting the queen's taste from trifles, which she began so early to display. The queen sent her her portrait ornamented with large and beautiful feathers. Maria Theresa returned it with the following note: I would have accepted with_great pleasure the portrait of the Queen of France, but I cannot accept of one which represents to me only an actress.' Nothing could prevail with Maria Antoinetta to renounce these ridiculous ornaments." p. 62, 63.

Chapters VI. and VII. In the former of these chapters we have described the dispositions, the private and political characters and conduct of Monsieur, and the Count d'Artois, brothers to Louis XVI. and in the latter an account of the Duke of Orleans, his connexions, and his son the Duke of Chartres, afterwards Duke of Orleans, and subsequently Philip d'Egalité, who is here represented as the most beastly wretch that ever degraded human nature.

Chap. VIII. represents the English by their agents tampering with the province of Britany; the malcontents of which place depute their chief to offer the crown to the duke U