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was called upon to answer to a long series of articles of accusation, the greater part of which related to the most mysterious and subtle points of doctrine. To some of these articles he pleaded not guilty. Many of the propositions which were imputed to him as errors in faith, he defended as true; at the same time declaring his readiness to retract any doctrine, of the erroneousness of which he should be convinced. His judges having in vain endeavoured to enlighten his understanding by argument, had recourse to the terrors of authority. They declared him guilty of heresy, and attempted to overawe him to a recantation, by the dread of a painful death. But the constancy of Huss was unshaken. He firmly refused to purchase life at the expence of truth and honour. After various unsuccessful efforts to persuade him to make his peace with the church, by timely submission, the council proceeded to degrade him from his priestly office; and after proclaiming the awful sentence, which condemned him as an obstinate heretic, delivered him over to the secular power. On the sixth day of July, 1415, Huss was led to the fatal pile, where he suffered death with the intrepidity of a resolute mind, supported by the consciousness of rectitude, and by the firm conviction of religious faith, which, happily for the oppressed, are not the exclusive privileges of any sect, but bestow their animating influence on the persecuted advocates of every varying shade of theological belief." p. 62, 63.

24th April, 1415. But alarmed by the violence of spirit which seemed to rage against reputed heretics, he soon fled from Constance, and went to Uberlingen, whence he sent to the council to demand a safe conduct. Instead of this instrument of protec tion, the members of that assembly addressed to him a citation to appear before them, and answer to a charge of heresy. Justly dreading the con sequences of encountering the preju dices of the ecclesiastical dignitaries, whose morals and principles he had so often branded with infamy, he res fused to obey this citation, and et off on his return to Bohemia. He pro ceeded without molestation as får as Hirsaw; but there he was arrested by the officers of the Duke of Sultzbach, who sent him in chains to Constance. Immediately after his arrival in that city, he underwent an examination, after which he was com mitted to prison. The severity which he there experienced, the importunity of some of his prosecutors, and his solitary meditations on the dreadful catastrophe of Huss, at length shook his constancy, and on the fifteenth of September, 1415, he read in open council a recantation of his errors. At this price he purchased a relaxation of the rigour of his confinement; but, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Zabarella, and of three other cardinals, who contended, that by his renunciation of error he had satisfied public justice, he was detained in custody. In the course of a few months after his recantation, new articles of impeachment were The pontifical houshold being dis- exhibited against him. To these he persed upon the deposition of John, pleaded in a solemn assembly of the Poggio remained at Constance, for council, held for that purpose, on the the purpose of embracing any oppor- twenty-sixth of May, 1416. Poggio, tunity which might then occur of im- who was present at this second trial proving his own interest, or that of of Jerome, gave an interesting achis friend." Having much leisure, he count to his friend, which is thus m visited the baths of Baden, of which troduced. Soon after my return place, and the manners of the people, from Baden to Constance, the cause he gives a particular account in a of Jerome of Prague, who was acletter to a friend. Soon after his cused of heresy, came to a public return to Constance, the council pro- hearing. The purport of my preceeded to the trial of Jerome of 'sent letter is to give you an account Prague, an intimate friend and asso- ' of this trial, which must of necesciate of John Huss. When Jerome 'sity be a matter of considerable was apprized of the arrest and impri- ' interest, both on account of the imsonment of his brother reformer, he portance of the subject, and the deemed himself bound in honour to 'eloquence and learning of the derepair to Constance, to administer to 'fendant. I must confess that I nehiin comfort and assistance. He ac- ver saw any one who in pleading cordingly arrived in that city on the a cause, especially a cause on the

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issue of which his own life depend- in order to effect his destruction. ⚫ed, approached nearer to that stan-As he was allowed two days for redard of ancient eloquence which pentance, several learned inen, and we so much admire. It was asto- amongst the rest the cardinal of nishing to witness with what choice Florence, visited him, with a view of words, with what closeness of of persuading him to change his argument, with what confidence of sentiments, and turn from the error ' countenance he replied to his ad- of his ways. But as he pertina⚫versaries. So impressive was his 'ciously persisted in his false notions, 'peroration, that it is a subject of he was condemned as guilty of he'great concern, that a man of soresy, and consigned to the flames. noble and excellent a genius, should • have deviated into heresy. On this latter point, however, I cannot help 'entertaining some doubts. But far 'be it from me to take upon myself 'to decide in so important a matter. I shall acquiesce in the opinion of 'those who are wiser than myself'." p. 76-78.

As the whole of this address is too long to be inserted in our work, we must content ourselves with the reporter's observations, with which it closes.

No stoic ever suffered death with such constancy of mind. When he arrived at the place of execution, he stripped himself of his garments, and knelt down before the stake, to which he was soon after tied with wet ropes and a chain. Then great pieces of wood, intermixed with straw, were piled as high as his 'breast. When fire was set to the 'pile, he began to sing a hymn, which was scarcely interrupted by the smoke and flame. I must not omit a 'striking circumstance, which shews the firmness of his mind. When 'the executioner was going to apply the fire behind him, in order that he might not see it, he said, come 'this way, and kindle it in my sight, for if I had been afraid of it, I should never have come to this place. Thus perished a man in every respect exemplary, except in the erroneous

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"He was never terrified by the ⚫ murmurs of his adversaries, but uni⚫ formly maintained the firmness and intrepidity of his mind. It is a ⚫ wonderful instance of the strength ⚫ of his memory, that though he had ⚫ been confined three hundred and forty days in a dark dungeon, where it was impossible for him to read, and where he must have daily suf-ness of his faith. I was a witness of fered from the utmost anxiety of ⚫ mind, yet he quoted so many learned writers in defence of his opinions, and supported his sentiments by the authority of so many doctors of the church, that any one would have been led to believe, that he had ⚫ devoted all the time of his impri⚫ sonment to the peaceful and undis

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his end, and observed every parti'cular of its process. He may have been heretical in his notions, and 'obstinate in persevering in them, but he certainly died like a philo sopher. I have rehearsed a long story, as I wished to employ my leisure in relating a transaction which surpasses the events of ancient his

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turbed study of philosophy. History. For neither did Mutius suffer

✦ voice was sweet, clear, and sono- his hand to be burnt so patiently rous, his action dignified, and well 'as Jerome endured the burning of adapted either to express indigna- his whole body; nor did Socrates ⚫tion or to excite compassion, which, 'drink the hemlock so cheerfully as ⚫ however, he neither asked nor wish-Jerome submitted to the fire'." 'ed for. He stood undaunted and p. 86-88. ' intrepid, not merely contemning, but like another Cato, longing for 'death. He was a man worthy to be ⚫ had in everlasting remembrance. I ⚫ do not commend him for entertain'ing sentiments hostile to the con⚫stitution of the church; but I ad'mire his learning, his extensive knowledge, the suavity of his eloquence, and his ability in reply. But I am 'afraid that all these endowments were bestowed on him by nature,

From this account of Jerome, the author takes an opportunity to exhibit the character of Poggio; and among other things observes, "The feeling manner in which he describes the trial and execution of Jerome, evinces a heart, which daily inter course with bigotted believers, and licentious hypocrites could not deaden to the impulses of humanity." p. 89.

(To be concluded in our next.)

LXXXIV. LECTURES on the Gospel of St. Matthew; delivered in the Parish Church of St. James, Westminster, in the Years 1798, 1799, 1800, and 1801. By the Right Rev. BEILBY PORTEUS, D. D. Bishop of London. In Two Volumes, 8vo.

HESE lectures are twenty-four

seven and eight hundred pages; the subjects of which we shall give in their order. The first contains a compendious view of the sacred writings, in which, after instructions for using the scriptures profitably, the learned author proceeds to state the design of his work.

"To assist you in this most important and necessary work is the design of these lectures; and in the execu tion of this design I shall have these four objects principally in view."

"Ist. Toexplain and illustrate those passages of holy writ, which are in any degree difficult and obscure.

2dly. To point out, as they occur in the sacred writings, the chief lead ing fundamental principles and doctrines of the Christian religion.

"3dly. To confirm and strengthen your faith, by calling your attention to those strong internal marks of the truth and divine authority of the Christian religion, which present themselves to us in almost every page of the Gospel.

"4thly. To lay before you the great moral precepts of the Gospel, to press them home upon your consciences and your hearts, and render them effectual to the important ends they were intended to serve; namely, the due government of your passions, the regulation of your conduct, and the attainment of everlasting life. p. 23.

Lecture II. Matth.ii.-The Arrival and Offerings of the Wise Men at Jerusalem.

After noticing the arguments to support the testimony of the evangelists, and the correctness of the genealogy of our Lord, the principal subject of this lecture is introduced, and the following account of the wise men is given.

"The name of these persons, whom our translation calls wise men, is in the original payo, in the Latin language, magi, from whence is derived Gar English word magicians. The

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Magi were a sect of ancient philosophers, living in the eastern part of the world, collected together in colleges, addicted to the study of astronomy, and other parts of natural philosophy, and highly esteemed throughout the east, having juster sentiments of God and his worship than any of the an-, cient heathens; for they abhorred the adoration of images made in the they did represent the Deity under the symbol of fire (the purest and most active of all material substances) yet they worshipped one only God; and so blameless did their studies and their religion appear to be, that the prophet Daniel, scrupulous as he was to the hazard of his life, with respect to the Jewish religion, did not refuse to accept the office which Nebuchadnezzar gave him, of being master of the magi, and chief governor over all the wise men of Babylon*. They were therefore evidently the fittest of all the ancient heathens to have the first knowledge of the Son of God, and of salvation by him imparted to them,

"The country from whence they came is only described in St. Matthew as lying east from Judea, and therefore might be either Persia,where the principal residence of the magi was, or else Arabia, to which ancient authors say they did, and undoubtedly they easily might extend themselves; which it is well known abounded in the valuable things that their presents consisted of; and concerning which the seventy-second psalm (plainly speaking of the Messiah) says, "The kings of Arabia and Saba, 'or Sabæa,' (an adjoining region), shall bring gifts; and again, unto him shall be given of the gold of Arabia.'

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"Supposing this prophecy of the Psalmist to point out the persons whose journey the Evangelist relates, it will also determine what their station or rank in life was, namely kings,

the kings of Arabia and Saba.' Of this circumstance St. Matthew says nothing directly, but their offerings are a sufficient evidence that ther condition could not be a mean one: and though there is certainly no proof, there is on the other hand no improbability of their being lords of small sovereignties, which might afford

* Vid. Dan. v. 11.

them a claim, according to the ancient usage of that part of the world, to the name of kings. For we read in Scripture not only of some small towns or tracts that had each of them their king, but of some also which could not be very large, that had each of them several +.

"What number of the wise men or magi came to our Lord is entirely unknown, and perhaps that of three was imagined for no other reason, than because the gifts which they brought were of three sorts. The occasion of their coming is expressed by St. Matthew in their own words: Where is he which is born King of the Jews for we are come to wor'ship him'." p. 35-38.

The means by which the magi received information of the birth of Christ is next noticed, and the lecture closes with pertinent inferences from the subject, to prove the veracity of the sacred scriptures.

Lecture III. Matth iii.-History and Doctrines of John the Baptist. Lecture IV. Matthew iv. former part.-Temptation of Christ in the Wilderness.

In this lecture the learned author proves, that the temptation of our Lord in the wilderness was a real transaction, and not a vision, as some have insinuated.

Lecture V. Matth. iv. latter part. Choice of the Apostles.-Beginning of Miracles.

Lecture VI. Matth. v.-Our Lord's Sermon on the Mount.

The blessedness of the meek is thus described, That the meek of all others should be destined to inherit the earth, is what one should not naturally have expected. If we may judge from what passes in the world, it is those of a quite opposite character, the bold, the forward, the active, the enterprizing, the rapacious, the ambitious, that are best calculated to secure to themselves that inheritance. And undoubtedly, if by inheriting the earth is meant acquiring the wealth, the grandeur, the power, the property of the earth, these are the persons who generally seize on a large proportion of these good things, and leave the meek and the gentle far behind them in this unequal contest for such advantages. But it was far other things than these our Lord had

* Josh. x. 5. † Jerem. xxv. 20-26.

in view. By inheriting the earth, he meant inheriting those things which are, without question, the greatest blessings upon earth, calmness and composure of spirit, tranquillity.cheerfulness, peace, and comfort of mind. Now these, I apprehend, are the peculiar portion and recompense of the meek. Unassuming, gentle, and humble in their deportment, they give no offence, they create no enemies, they provoke no hostilities, and thus escape all that large proportion of human misery which arises from dissensions and disputes. If differences do unexpectedly start up, by patience, mildness, and prudence, they disarm their adversaries, they soften resentment, they court reconciliation, and' seldom fail of restoring harmony and peace. Having a very humble opinion of themselves, they see others succeed without uneasiness, without envy; having no ambition, no spirit of competition, they feel no pain from disappointment, no mortification from defeat. By bending under the storms that assail them, they greatly miti gate their violence, and see them pass over their heads almost without feeling their force. Content and satisfied with their lot, they pass quietly and silently through the crowds that surround them; and encounter much fewer difficulties and calamities in their progress through life, than more active and enterprizing men. This even tenor of life may indeed be called by men of the world flat, dull, and insipid. But the meek are excluded from no rational pleasure, no legitimate delight; and as they are more exempt from anxiety and pain than other men, their sum total of happiness is greater, and they may in the best sense of the word be fairly said to inherit the earth." p. 138140.

Lecture VII. Matth. vi. and vii.Continuation of the Sermon on the Mount.

Lecture VIII. Matth. viii.-Conduct and Character of the RomanCenturion.

Lecture IX. Matth. x.-Our Lord's Instructions to his Apostles.

On the 34th verse of the chapter, which is the subject of this lecture, the author discourses at large. The illustration of this passage, and the arguments to support it, are as follow:

"The promulgation of my religion

will be productive of much dissension, cruelty, and persecution; not only to you, but to all those who for many ages afterwards shall preach the gospel in purity and truth. The true cause of this will be the wickedness and the ferocious passions of men; but the occasion and the pretence for it will be the holy religion which you are to promulge. In this sense, and in this only it is, that I may be said to bring a sword upon earth; but they who really bring it, are the open enemies, or pretended friends of the Gospel.

"Still it is said by the adversaries of our faith, that however these words may be interpreted, the fact is, that Christians themselves have brought a sword, and a most destructive sword upon earth; that they have persecuted one another with inconceivable rancour and fury; and that their dissensions have produced more bloodshed, misery, and desolation among mankind, than all the other wars of contending nations put toge

ther.

"To this I answer, in the first place, that the charge, as here stated, is not true. It is not true that wars of religion have been more frequent and more sanguinary than any others. On the contrary, it may be proved in the clearest manner, from the most authentic facts, that by far the greatest number of wars, as well as the longest, most extensive, and most destructive, have been owing to causes purely political, and those too sometimes of the most trivial nature. And if we can allow men to harass and destroy one another for a mere point of honour, or a few acres of land, why should we think it strange to see them defending, with the same heat and bitterness, what they conceive to be the most essential requisite to happiness, both here and hereafter?

"2dly, I must observe, that a very large part of those animosities, wars, and massacres, which have been usually stiled religious, and with the entire guilt of which Christianity has been very unjustly loaded, have been altogether, or at least in a great measure, owing to causes of a very different nature; to the ambition, the resentments, the avarice, the rapacity of princes and of conquerors, who assumed the mask of religion to veil their real purposes; and who

pretend to fight in the cause of God and his church, when they had in reality nothing else in view than to advance their power or extend their dominions. All history is full of instances of this kind.

3dly. It should be remembered, that the wildest excesses of religious persecution did not take place till the world was overrun with barbarity, ignorance, bigotry, and superstition; till military ideas predomi nated in every thing, in the form of government, in the temper of the laws, in the tenure of lands, in the administration of justice itself; and till the Scriptures were shut up in a foreign tongue, and were therefore unknown to the people. It was not therefore from the Gospel, but from a total ignorance of the Gospel, from a total perversion of its true temper, genius, and spirit, that these excesses and enormities arose.

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4thly. That this is the real truth of the case, appears demonstrably from this circumstance, that when after the reformation the Scriptures were translated into the several vernacular languages of Europe, and the real nature of the Christian revelation became of course more generally known, the violence of persecution began to abate; and as the sacred writings were more and more studied, and their true sense better understood, the baneful spirit of intolerance lost ground every day, and the divine principle of Christian charity and benevolence has been continually gaining fresh strength; till at length, at the present moment, persecution by Christians, on the score of religion only, has almost entirely vanished from the face of the earth; and we may venture to predict, that wars of religion, strictly so called, will be heard of no more." p. 239— 242.

Lecture X. Matthew xii.-Observation of the Sabbath.-Demoniacs.— Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost.

The rest of the Sabbath the author keeps principally in view, and enforces its observation: among other remarks we notice the following:

"This rest is plainly infringed, whenever the lower classes of people continue their ordinary occupations on the Sabbath, and whenever the higher employ their servants and their cattle on this day in needless labour. This, however, we see too

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