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The work, as has been noticed in a of Westphalia been subverted by subforegoing extract, is divided into three sequent events ? parts, which Mr. Gentz commences In this chapter the author shews by stating the propositions actually that the circuinstances which Hautelaid down in, or plainly deducible rive asserts to have infringed on the from, the work; he answers and brief- treaty, have not had such a tendenly describes his plan, which is to di- cy. And on the subject of the elevavide his book into four principal tion of Prussia, the protestant inparts : the first of which will be an terest, as connected with the treaty, Inquiry into the State of Europe, before is observed, and the author remarks, the War of the Revolution; the second “ The differences of religion hare will treat of the Situation of Europe lost the importance which was formerduring and after that War ; the third ly attached to them : the deep shades will consider the present Relations be- they cast upon the face of society, a tween France and the other European century ago, are now softened down. Powers; and the fourth will examine Opinions and articles of faith, which the internal Constitution of the French in former times have armed one half Republic : takiog them all, however, of Europe against the other, are now in those points of view in which the looked upon with coldness and indifauthor has considered them.” p. 4, 5. ference: the slightest political con
Part II. Of the political situation nexion binds men and states more of Europe, before and at the break- firmly now than all the professions of ing out of the French Revolution. religion in the world ; and without
Chap. I. contains the inquiry, entering here into any comparison of how far did the treaty of Westphalia the merits of what now interests us, establish a system of public law in and of the objects that formerly used Europe?
to agitate mankind, and occasion the This chapter describes the nations most important events; it is a truth particularly interested in the treaty, established by history, that the man and the impossibility of framing a ners, interests, politics, factions, and permanent federative constitution. enthusiasm, the wisdom and folly of
“ The fate of empires is no less sub- the present, are not those of former ject to vicissitude than that of in- times.” p. 29, 30. dividuals : owing to the inequality of In supporting his argument, that their respective progress, to the un. the elevation of Prussia has been proexpected growth of new branches of ductive of a beneficial and not of a industry and power, to the personal pernicious tendency, it is observed, and family connexions, and still “ But if we take a more compremore, to the opinions, the characters, hensive view of this subject, we shall and the passions of their rulers, find ourselves much inclined to acthere must necessarily happen many quit even Louis XIV. of the greater changes which no huroan wisdom can part of those reproaches which the foresee, much less provide against. short-sightedness of the present age Each of these changes occasions new has so abundantly heaped upon him. wants, new plans, and new preten. It was not Louis XIV. but the natural sions ; endangers or destroys the course of things, that produced those former equilibrium ; presents fresh great armies—that enlarged system difficulties to the statesman, and resi: of administration -- those extensive ders it necessary to revise the systém, political plans. They were necessary and define the respective rights anew. consequences of the progress of civil Impossible as it is for the code of laws society. In proportion to the ad. of any nation to provide for' ereryvancement of civilization, of industry possible future variation in the cha- and riches among nations, the mearacter and manners, the civil, moral, sure of their wants, their desires, und domestic condition of its inhas their expences, their domestic and bitants ; even so impossible is it to public existence, is increased; the establish an eternal system of public sphere of their activity, their prolaw, by means of any general treaty, pensity to extend their limits, the however numerous the objects which anibition and 'the power of their goit may, embrace, with whatever care vernments, are enlarged. A rich inand ability it may have been 'com dividual has more servants, more bined." P. 9.
houses, more horses, more plans, Chap 11. How far has the treaty and more caprices than a poor one
a rich and cultivated people have developed, each at its proper period; more public institutions, more mi- that when agriculture and manufacpisters of state, more soldiers, more tures have arrived at a certain degree luxury, and a greater spirit of enter- of perfection, the desire of foreign prise, than one which is poor and un commerce is naturally awakened; civilized. This is all in the natural that although the object of this proorder of things. There may, no pensity may be retarded or acceledoubt, exist in the most opulent na- rated by adverse or favourable cirtion, a dangerous disproportion be- cumstances, the persevering activity tween the means and the will; be- of mankind will sooner or later actween the strength and the desires of complish it; that it will at length such a people; and, especially, the gain access to distant and unexplored military force, that great instrument regions, and succeed in its unre. of influence and dominion, may be mitting endeavours to connect all the out of all proportion to its foundation parts of the earth; that the produce - the population and revenues of the of remote countries becomes a new country. But, whatever particular spur to industry; and industry, so instances may be adduced of the excited, explores and cultivates those transgression of these rules of pro- lands; so that the productions of portion, and of the errors of some new regions operate to increase the governments; there was, on the whole, activity and to multiply the commerno such disproportion to be seen in cial relations of the old ; that this general at the commencement of the gives new life even to the interior of revolution. The military force had the more civilized countries, and advanced in a degree, and to a state, multiplies the objects of traffic; that coinciding with the progress of socie- industry produces riches, and riches ty. The sudden aggrandizement, the reproduce industry; and thus cominfluence, and the example of the merce at length becomes the founda. kingslom of Prussia, did not push tion and the cement of the whole so. them beyond their just and natural cial edifice. limits. In all human probability, the “ This is not determined by the armies of the remaining nations would presumption or caprice of man; it is have been no smaller, their systems founded on the eternal order of human of finance no less complicated, the nature, and is the etfect of that irrerelations between their efforts and sistible impulse, by which every great their strength no other than they ac and beneficial change, every truly tually were, had this new meteor universal and important event in the never risen in the political firmament history of mankind,' is produced. of Europe.” p.34–36.
To this principle we must refer, not In discussing the commercial and only the origin, but the progress and colonial system, the author writes: extension of commerce. Hence too
“ 20. The extension of the commer- the important discovery of America ; cial and colonial system was not the for we may confidently assert, that it immediate effect of the avarice or could not ultimately have escaped ambition of any particular European mankind, had it not been accomplishstate; it was a general, necessary, ed so early by the adventurous spirit and unavoidable result of the expan. of a few extraordinary and enterprission of the human mind; and every ing men. Hence the system of coinevent derived from that source, must merce and colonization, with all its be, in some way, compatible with actual and possible ramifications and the objects of social existence, and extent. Hence the independence of of course with the maintenance and remote climates, not created nor culsecurity of a federal constitution and tivated for us only, and the new law of nations.
sources of opulence to which Europe “I am here engaged in the discus- is invited by their freedom and indesion of a particular object, and not pendence. Hence too humanity will writing a general history of human hereafter derive many invaluable blesnature. But whoever has thoroughly sings, will behold many a splendid investigated this subject, will readily æra, if the free display of this active allow me, that, in a state of society, principle be not checked by blind the different branches of human ac- authority, and if human ingenuity do tivity are gradually and successively not aspire to be wiser than Diving
Providence.” p. 41-44.
The third chapter investigates the countries. In discussing the political following question :
relations of Prussia, the author inDid there exist at the beginning of troduces the following remarks on the French Revolution any public law the division of Poland. in Europe?
“I have already, in the preceding This chapter commences with a part of this work, expressed my opiview of the internal condition of the nion concerning the justice and propations of Europe before the Revolu- priety of that measure. This I once tion. The subject is first treated in a more repeat; and will here distinct. general way, after which the author ly declare my sentiments of that particularizes the situation of each and every similar political proceed. nation. Russia, Austria, Prussia are ing: these are, that the principles of each noticed, and the author then the federal constitution ought to be proceeds to the following observations as sacred in the general system of naupon England:
tions, as the laws in the interior of • The slightest glance at the affairs every state; that no political consiof the British empire, is sufficient to deration, whatever its importance, or banish every idea of decay and disor- general utility, can excuse an action ganization. The condition of that manifestly unjust; that justice ought Kingdom after the American war, was to be the first and prevailing principle the first complete demonstration of in all views of policy, in every possithe true principles of the wealth of ble conjuncture; that the violation nations, which had remained so long of that principle, although it may unknown. The loss of her colonies occassionally and partially, or in its was the first æra of the lasting and remote or accidental effects, be proindependent greatness of Britain. It ductive of good, is nevertheless al. was after the year 1783 that she bee ways ruinous in the end; and that came conscious of her real strength, po situation, no wants, no declared and clearly understood the true or secret motives, no future hope, no grounds upon which it rested. Until pretext of private or general' inte. then she had more or less partaken rests, can justify such a violation. of the errors and misconduct of the “ This declaration will, I hope, rest of Europe, derived from an im- sufficiently exempt me from the impo. perfect knowledge of the system of tation of becoming the defender of commerce. She now took the lead proceedings, which, by disguising of all, in a new career, and upon bet; usurpation in the cloak of justice, by ter principles. The French Revolu- trampling under foot the most sacred tion, which interrupted the progress principles, and by undermining the of all Europe, undoubtedly confined credit of all governments in the and retarded the completion of the minds of all people, have brought so masterly systein of administration many misfortunes upon Europe. But adopted in England. It is a phe- while I thus condemn the principle of nomenon sufficiently extraordinary, the Polish partition, I may be per. which can only be explained by the mitted to differ widely from those history of its government during the opinions of its consequences that prevail preceding ten years, that Great Bri- among the political writers of the gain should have been able to main present day, especially with regard tain itself entire and uusitaken in the to its influence on the balance of dreadful war excited by that Revolu- power. After attentively considertion. What it might have attained to ing the subject, I am persuaded the in a continuance of peace, must be a partition of Poland was very far from matter of mere hypothesis ; but this being prejudicial to that balance; hypothesis will receive a place among which, in a certain point of view, it the clearest political truths from those even contributed to preserve; and who have been accustomed to study that it has rather been favourable, the true sources of the prosperity and than adverse, to the maintenance of strength of nations." D. 79, so. peace and tranquillity in Europe."
The rest of the European nations P. 131, 132. follow, and this subject concludes A vast deal of political, and, as it with, remarks upon the state of relates to England and her wars with France toward the close of the mo- France, historical information is conparchy: the author then proceeds to tained in this chapter, which con. state the political relations of these clydes with general observations,
Part II. Of the situation of Europe factures, afford any real or just cause after the French Revolution.
of accusation or complaint. In my In this part the author examines enquiry into these coinplaints, I have the principles upon which the coali- nniformly adhered to those princi. tion against France was formed, and ples, which every enlightened mind vindicates it.
now reverences with unqualified asPart III. Of the present relations sent; which alone can lead to the between France and the other Euro- perfection of political economy; and pean states.
from which Europe has to expect the Chap. I. contains general obser- most important improvements in vations, which, at considerable length, every branch of general welfare. On shew the great preponderance of these indisputable principles, it is France in the balance of power in evident that what the ignorant mal. Europe, by her acquisition of terri- titude, instigated by sophistical detory and strength.
claimers, decry as the commercial Chap. II. Of the relations be tyranny of the English, is in reality tween France and her allies.
a most essential part of the wealtlı, This chapter concludes thus : an active principle of the industry,
“ Ere we discuss the political con and a fruitful source of the present duct of France towards her allies, we and future riches of all nations; that must at least wait till she has allies. the only method of diminishing the Those who are now honoured with superiority of British industry, which that appellation, are, at best, only can be recommended or adnitted, is her clients. It will be time to speak the promotion and encouragement of of the alliances of France, in the true the same activity in other countries, sense of the word, when she shall be which would benefit the whole withconnected upon free and equal terms, ont injuring England; and that every with one of the greater powers of project for actually destroying the Europe ; one of those which have foundations of Britain's power and hitherto maintained their indepen- commercial greatness, by direct and dence. But in the present state of violent attempts upon it, must ultithings, may the guardian angel of mately prove its author an enemy to Europe avert such an event! An al- the general welfare of Europe. liance of France, preponderant as “There is, therefore, nothing in she now is, with any of the principal England's commercial system, and powers, would lead to incalculable in the influence of that system upon inischief, would probably be the sig- the welfare of other nations, which pal for endless misfortunes.” p. 270. can support or justify the heavy
Chap. II. Of France and her charges brought against her. In her enemies.
peaceful relations, we see her in conChap. IV. An enquiry into the stant and perfect harmony with the principal causes of complaint against domestic interests of the social systein the commercial tyranny of the Eng of Europe. If she have in any way lish. First, the navigation act: se deserved the reproaches of ber nu. cond, the monopoly of Trans-Euro merous adversaries, the causes must pean dominions: third, the ionopoly be sought in other relations; they of British manufactures. These en- must be founded on her conduct in quiries are thus closed, and with them war, towards countries not immedi. the work closes.
ately engaged in it; and on the abuse “ I conceive that the foregoing ob- of her well-armed superiority in her servations have nearly fulfilled the oppression of the weak. How fac object I had in view. My design was they really are so, will be discussed to rectify the prevailing opinion, with in a sequel to the present work." respect to the dangers and evils aris. p. 356–358. ing from the commercial superiority This work contains much informa. of England. I fatter myself I have tion highly interesting to the politi. sufficiently proved, that neither the cian, and entertaining to the general maritime statutes of Great Britain (I readers.-A few notes are adu at speak of her domestic regulations), the end, nor what is called the British monopoly of colonial produce, nor the indisputable superiority of her manu
CLVI. The Evidence for the Au- nion which he had previously formed
thenticity and Divine Inspiration of tire of its internal evidence. For it apApocalypse stated and vindicated from pears from passages in the first, fourth, the Objections of the late Professor, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth secF. D. MICHAELIS, in Letters ad- tions of his chapter on the Apoca. dressed to the Rrv. HERBERT lypse, that he considered the prophe. MARSH, B. D. F. R. S. Fellow of cies of this book as still remaining St. John's College, Cambridge, 8vo. dark and unexplained. He professes stitched.
that he does not uoderstand them;
he declares himself dissatisfied with HIS THI
consists of ten letters, the attempts of other writers to shew in the first of which the author their meaning and completion ; and assigns bis reasons for writing them, he esteems the contradiction of these and particularly for his addressing interpreters to be more unfavourable them to Mr. Marsh. These reasons to the pretensions of the Apocalypse, may be discovered in the following than even those ancient testimonies, extracts :-"If your annotations bad that external evidence, to which he been extended to that part of your attributes no preponderance in its author's work which treats of the favour. Now, as they: who appear Apocalyse, the observations, which to themselves to have discovered, in I now lay before you, would have the completion of the Apocalyptic · been rendered unnecessary, for I prophecies certain proofs of its dipersuade myself, that if your learned vine origin (for a series of prophecy, labours liad accompanied your au- punctually fulfilled, must be divide) thor, in his chapter on the Apoca- will be disposed to examine the er: lypse, many of the opinions, which ternal evidence with a prepossession he has there advanced, would have re- in its favour; so he who, by examinceived considerable correction.” p.2. ing the internal evidence, has formed
“ It is my object to engage an au. an opinion unfavourable to its pre. thor of your ability in a work of this tensions, will enter upon the study of kind, and at the same time to suggest its external evidence with that kind to his consideration observations of prejudice which I think visible in which have occurred to me; some of the writings of this able and learned which, I trust, may be made subser- man. By this observation, I do not vient to correct those notions which mean to detract from the good faith have a tendency to exclude from the and candour of Michaelis, which I canon of Sacreu Scripture one of its find frequently, and indeed generalmost important and well attested ly displayed even in this part of his books." . p.3.
work. But a prepossession of this The second letter contains the me- kind is apt to lead a man unwarily thod pursued in this enquiry, which is into partial views. I have myself er. thus expressed:
perienced both these prejudices with " In the following letters, I pro- respect to the Apocalypse, and I know
to review the evidence which the involuntary influence of each. has been adduced for the autbenti- There was a tiine when I considered city and divine inspiration of the the prophecies of the Apocalypse as Apocalypse; to add thereto some dark and inexplicable, and its claim few collections of my own, and oc to divine authority as rendered very casionally to make remarks on those suspicious, by the discordant and anobservations of Michaelis which tend satisfactory explanations of them. to invalidate it.
So that, applying myself to the ex. “ This evidence divides itself into amination of the external evidence external and internal. The external is of the book, I felt myself inclined to that which is derived from credible object to it, and to diminish its inwitnesses, from the early writers, and fluence. But, in the progress of my fathers of the Church. The internal studies, I experienced a contrary is that which results from a pcrusal bias. A
diligent examiof the book.
nation of the prophecies of the “ Michaelis appears to be an unfair Apocalypse, and an application of reporter of the external evidence for them to ecclesiastical history, Occa. the Apocalypse. He seems to have sioned me to form another conclusion approached it with a prejudice against respecting its internal evidence. I it, a prejudice occasioned by the opi. began to see that the objection to the