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relied upon, for the cordial restoration of peace, and for all the blessings of reconciliation between this country and the offspring of its own liberty, formed in the perfect resemblance of its own constitution, and transplanted into the new world of America. Your faithful Commons, therefore, humbly beseech your Majesty, to order an immediate suspension of hos tilities in America, for the sake of preventing any farther effusion of blood, and to concur with your parliament, upon the ground-work of the foregoing principles and considerations, in laying a foundation for reconcilement and perpetual peace between this country and America."

Mr. Rashleigh reprobated the tax upon sales by auction, and begged lord North to explain the resolution relative to the sale of estates by assignments, and to acquaint the House, whether leases were intended to be included in the description of any freehold, copyhold, or leasehold tenements or holdings.

mate end of all colonization is, and ought to be, to establish kindred and derivative communities into perfect societies, in the fullness of population, settlement, prosperity, and power. These principles are not only founded in the nature of mankind, but are peculiarily applicable to our own colonists, who carried out with them, into their foreign settlements, the seeds of the British constitution, which we flatter ourselves to be the happiest and most free in the world. These colonies, under the auspicious and friendly eye of the parent state, have at length out-grown the imbecilities of their infant-state, and approach to the maturity of settlement and population, and all the arts of life, and thereby are become capable of that glorious inheritance of perfect freedom, which their parent-state has in former times rescued out of the hands of tyrants, with a view to assert it for the common good and use of mankind, and particularly to transmit it entire to their own descendants. As no country can arrive at its full perfection, Lord North replied, not leases without while it is confined in the powers of a free a valuable consideration expressed; but if legislation, respecting the concerns of its leases were granted for a fine, or other own internal policy; and as the transition consideration, and of course vested a speof colonies from the controul of a distant cific property in the possessor, he intended parent-state, to the absolute possession in they should be included. He lamented full right of all their legislative powers, the necessity of laying new taxes, and the must inevitably (at a certain period of expences of the war which created that connexion between the parent-state and necessity; but denied that he was instruits colonies) disturb, or at least for a time mental in either one or the other. The suspend, the harmony of affection and equity of compelling America to contrimutual correspondence of interests; and bute towards lightening those burdens they as the course of the present disputes be- were originally the cause of, was a popular tween Great Britain and her colonies has opinion within those walls long before he led to that dangerous point of contention, entered into office. It was still a prevailwhich being originally inherent in the re- ing opinion; but whatever motives of prolation of parent-state and colony, now priety, expediency, or concession, on our shews itself so serious in its aspect, as per- part, might have induced us to wave the haps to threaten, if not amicably adjusted, exercise of the right, the grounds of the the ruin of one or both countries: your contest had long since shifted. It was no Commons, therefore, think it wise and longer a question whether we should tax prudent, to follow the apparently natural them, or let them tax themselves; it was and unavoidable course of things, and to simply, whether America was any longer bestow upon the colonies an entire free-to form a part of the British empire. If dom of their legislative powers within themselves, hoping thereby to lay a foundation for a perpetual and indissoluble bond of affection and alliance, in every respect as beneficial to both countries, as the connection which has hitherto sub-terests of the whole empire, were deeply sisted between them, in the mutual relation of parent-state and colony; and with this additional hope of permanence, that according to all human prudence, such connections in which there is no latent prineiple of future discord, may be trusted and

the House thought the object no longer worth contending for, he had not a single desire or wish of his own to gratify. If the House continued to persevere in thinking, that the honour, dignity, and vital in

involved in the issue of the present contest, in the judgment of all that heard him he must stand fairly exculpated from the charges brought against him by the hon. gentleman (Mr. Hartley). The question now was, Is the bargain a good bargain?

Are the taxes judiciously and equitably laid? The latter the hon. gentleman has acknowledged; the bargain with the public creditors he has found fault with. He says, that the navy debt should be reduced. I think so; and have done all in my power to reduce it. I have paid off a million; but if more of the navy debt, 500,000l. been paid off, as the hon. gentleman has suggested ought to have been done, that sum would of course, on getting into circulation, have produced the same inconveniency now complained of. The hon. gentleman has spent a great deal of time in proving that the bargain was a very good one for the subscribers, and a very bad one for the public. It called for no long detail of facts, nor much argument, to prove how erroneous such an assertion was. He should only refer him to the market, as the most impartial evidence of the error of his calculations. Let him examine the price of stocks this day, and he will find, that instead of a profit of 10 or 5 per cent. which he supposes the subscriber will make, the hon. gentleman might purchase as much omnium as he pleased, considerably under 2 per cent. The hon. gentleman seemed much surprized what could induce him to keep so laborious an office, and carry through measures so contrary to his own judgment. The latter was a point, he presumed, the hon. gentleman could not be informed on sufficiently to speak with any degree of certainty; and as to the former, he was very willing to resign whenever a person was found ready to succeed him, who at the same time had the sanction of public approbation. But supposing that he was as ready to resign the present laborious office, as the hon. gentleman seemed desirous he should, what could be done? The great business of the nation must not stand still; and the hon. gentleman says, no person could be found who would accept it. It follows, then, that he must be obliged to keep it, till some one be found to take or accept of it. The hon. gentleman, in his general rage for finding fault, betrayed some marks of friendship; he admonished him to take care of his head, the safety of which depended, in some measure, on the event of the American war. Whatever might be the event of the war, he never expected to have it imputed to him; he indeed heard the contrary imputed to him, by persons at the same side of the House. He was certain, either assertion was equally ill-founded;

he never pressed the war in a responsible situation; he always approved of the measures, as they arose, as an individual. If innocence, founded in private opinion, was a protection, he must remain safe in this country; he did not lead parliament, but follow it; he meant to continue to do so; and whenever that House, which expressed the sense of the nation, thought proper to wish him to retire, he should do it with content and private satisfaction, in a consciousness of having discharged his duty, with truth and fidelity.

Mr. Dempster observed, that the noble lord had been now ten years at the head of the finances, and, instead of paying off any part of the national debt, he believed he had added considerably to it. When a person of his lordship's confessed talents had failed in making any progress in so desirable a work, he despaired ever to see the debt lessened: he therefore thought it would be better for money to be borrowed in such a manner, that the very nature of the loan should create a virtual fund for discharging the sum borrowed; such as borrowing sums at a proportionate increase of interest, which should cease at the end of 61 or 99 years, the interest and principal to be extinguished together. It would, in fact, be paying so much of the debt thus borrowed, every year.

Lord North said, that the matter mentioned by the hon. gentleman had been often talked of, even before the commencement of the present century: but, for his part, if any alteration were to be made, he thought it ought to be for short, not long annuities; for he believed the length of them, after a certain period, added very little to their value at market. This he instanced in the long annuities granted in the reign of queen Anne, which, after 69 years enjoyment, sold for as much as they did the first day they were granted, though they were to be extinguished in 30 years, namely, in the year 1807. Sir Robert Walpole had turned his thoughts to the subject very fully, and gave the preference of perpetuities to long annuities. For his part, he should prefer short annuities to either. It held out a pleasing prospect; and if it was a mode of extinguishing debts, it was certainly the most direct, easy, and immediate.

Colonel Barré said, he waited with astonishment for some explanations from the two noble lords (North and G. Germain) on the Treasury-bench; but had heard nothing from them on the subject of the

ble contract price; that 2s. 4d. was a prime cost price, and desired to know if a Mr. Irvin had not offered to contract for rum at 2s. 6d. And also, if the Victualling-office had not contracted for it no longer ago than last Monday at 2s. 6d? He would not hint an idea that the noble lord touched a penny of these contracts, he who certainly was capable of refusing lacks of pagodas, can never be reproached with the meanness of being concerned in the pitiful transactions of rum contracts.

state of Europe and America. The noble lord in the blue ribbon had touched slightly on the good disposition of the French court, and his hopes respecting the happy conclusion of the American troubles; but that was all. He neither explained the grounds on which his opinions were formed, nor assigned a single reason sufficient to satisfy the public, which, by every appearance of things, had a right to fear the direct contrary. There were many articles in the extra services which were not satisfactorily accounted for. One, in particular, of 400,000 He had asked the noble lord before, what it could be for; and forced out at length that it was for the military chest. He said, contracts for rum had been made at 3s. 3s. 6d. and 4s. per gallon, besides freight, which brought it to about 5s. 3d. a gallon, free of duty, to be delivered in America, and the quantity was immense. For his part, when he served in that part of the world, he never understood that there was any occasion for rum to be served to the troops as aboard a man of war; and he remembered very well, that in the back settlements, when sir Jeffery Amherst commanded there, he ordered rum to be delivered, even in those inhospitable regions, in very small quantities; assigning it as a reason, that it would spoil the soldiers.

Lord North said, he was surprized to find that the hon. gentleman had deserted the accusation he pledged himself to bring forward in the committee; and had now contented himself with calling for some trifling explanations.

Colonel Barré said, that if the noble lord meant to be at all communicative, there was ample matter for him to expatiate upon. He called on him particularly to explain the 700,000l. for provisions alone; likewise the 800,000l. for extraordinaries, of which the noble lord had hitherto only told them that that and other 400,000l. were applied for a military chest; a very laconic explanation, but such an one as he hoped would not prove satisfactory to the House: that in relation to the rum business, a Mr. Atkinson must be a very good friend of the Treasury indeed! for he has paid 35,000l. for rum, without any of the requisites of a satisfactory account; for there was not even the quantity specified which he had furnished; he understood, however, that it was at 5s. 3d. a gallon; that he had made many enquiries of planters, merchants, and others, and had found that 3s. 6d. was a very favoura

Lord North said, in reply to the contract business, that nothing could be clearer than the mode of the Exchequer, passing the accounts of those who had contracted with government; that there were always vouchers for every thing done, so that the completest satisfaction could at any time be had, as to the terms of the contract, and the due performance of those terms. That the contract with Mr. Atkinson was for rum of the very best proof, the finest that could be had in Jamaica, and in order that it might be known whether the rum was of that goodness, an instrument for ascertaining it was sent out. That Mr. Pelham, secretary to the Navy-board, had informed the Treasury, that their contract price in Jamaica was 4s. 4d. a gallon, but that in addition to this, there was freighted part to Boston at 6d., and part to Canada at 9d. which made 74d on an average. Leakage was 10 per cent. or 5d. Insurance 8 per cent. or 4d. Commission was 5 per cent. or 2d. In all 5s. 11d. Whereas the Treasury had contracted at 5s. 3d. As to Mr. Irvine having offered to contract cheaper, he knew not the fact; but no other contracts were to be made than the first, as they were now left to the commander in chief, sir William Howe.

Colonel Barré rose to hug the noble, noble lord, as he called it; upon the rum affair he was perfectly satisfied; perfectly convinced of the wondrous good economy of the noble lord, to get that at 5s. 3d., which plainly cost the contractor 6s. Why, the poor man must be ruined! It was cruel to treat him so unjustly; and he now plainly saw the reason why people of all sorts were so shy of taking government contracts. But this Mr. Atkinson must be the greatest ideot in the whole contracting world: did he make his contracts for sour crout and porter upon the same principles? But what will the noble lord say to rum, so far from 4s. 4d., being in the island no more than 1s. 9d.;

yet this was the fact. Those, therefore, | politic, as futile, childish, and paltry. who had so flagrantly misinformed the noble lord, ought to be reprimanded.

Sir James Cockburn rose to explain the circumstances of his contract for 100,000 gallons of rum from Grenada, where the current price was 2s. 1d. a gallon; that there were expences in casks, &c. which gentlemen had forgot; that to carry rum from the West Indies to Boston or Canada now was an immense expence, as they were to be freighted thither on purpose, and to come back again empty to the islands. He asserted that he freighted five ships with his contract, and one not being loaded, he filled her up with more of the same rum, to be sold at Quebec on his own account, and that sold for a higher price than what his contract gave him: he offered to produce proofs at the bar; and said, if the Treasury would give him another such contract, he would not take it; that his contract was made under the expectance of the price falling, instead of which it

rose.

Lord North said, that Mr. Pelham's account was 4s. 4d., without distinguishing whether it was currency or not; but he apprehended, that currency was meant from the certain expences he had recapitulated running so much above 5s. 3d.; but he would inform himself more particularly, and give the House every species of information they wished to have about it; as there was no contract which would not bear the closest examination.

Mr. Fox called on the House chiefly to remark, that 40 per cent. was no sort of difference in the accounts of the noble lord. Mr. Bayly said, he had an offer to make to the noble lord, which would prove a saving to the nation of full 40 per cent. He accordingly offered to serve any quantity of Jamaica rum the Treasury might contract for, at 2s. 2d. per gallon, which was just half, on an average, of the price which had been given in all the contracts already made. The current price in the rum season, in Jamaica, was from 19d. to 23d. the gallon; and therefore he should have a good profit in serving it at 2s. 2d. or 2s. 4d. at most, after paying freight, insurance, &c.

Mr. Jenkinson, lamenting partly the necessity of the war, the loss it was to the kingdom, but upholding the indispensable authority of parliament, and blaming the bad policy of some late ministers, reprobated, in the strongest terms, the Tea Act; he condemned the whole measure as im

Then turning to the Stamp Act, he said, that measure was not Mr. Grenville's; if the Act was a good one, the merit of it was not due to Mr. Grenville; if it was a bad one, the errors, or the ill policy of it, did not belong to him: the measure was not his.

Mr. Dempster remarked, that if contracts were publicly advertised to whoever would supply them cheapest, as they ought ever to be, the noble lord would not be under any difficulties in having recourse to either papers or memory.

Mr. Dunning said, that there was no clearness in this matter of the contracts; but there was one thing as clear as day, which was the noble lord's perfect ignorance of the whole transaction.

Lord George Germain rose to give satisfaction to the House, why he had in the debate of the day before said that there was a prospect of a successful end to the war in North America. It was not his custom to speak when he had nothing to say; but whenever he was called upon to give information to the House, he should always then speak with pleasure. As to the campaign, he thought he had the greatest reason to expect success from the army of general Howe being in good order, and more numerous from recruits than in the last campaign, while that of the rebels was in much worse order, and less numerous: that the fleet was also reinforced with some ships of the line, which were wanting last year; that he thought himself farther founded in his expectation from the minds of the people turning, from their experiencing the misery of anarchy, confusion, and despotism, instead of the happiness and security they enjoyed under the legal government of this country; that these emotions had operated so strongly in their minds, that very many deserters had left the rebel army, and come in to general Howe with their arms; many hundreds were coming in every day: that he had formed his opinion from the circumstances of the Congress having given up the government, confessing themselves unequal to it, and created Mr. Washington dictator of America; these circumstances, he thought, promised divisions among them. another circumstance which every day proved of yet greater importance, was, their being disappointed in their expectations of assistance from France: they had been buoyed up with that hope, and made

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Colonel Barré. The noble lord has told us, that all deficiencies have been made good in our army by recruits from Europe. Does he mean their present or their former establishment, and does he include in the army the American auxiliaries?

Lord George Germain. What I mean is this, that on the 20th of March, the date of the last general return, the army was more numerous, including the troops, going on the sea from Europe, than it was when it took New York: more rank and file, without including the 6,000 Americans.

to believe, that a superior French fleet | enabled to push his conquests to the would be seen riding on their coast; in southward. all which they now felt themselves deceived, and resented it accordingly. That they had met with the same disappointment from Spain; not that he asserted they had not received underhand assistance from both, in officers, &c. but what they were promised was open avowed assistance. Yet, Sir, added his lordship, for the protection of France they would pay largely; they have offered largely; they have, by their pretended ambassadors, actually offered to the French court all our West India islands! There is liberality, Sir! There is love of freedom, to consign so readily to French dominion and despotism the whole West Indies! Let me farther remark, Sir, that there are great expectations from the army in Canada, which last year could do no more than prepare to act; but having destroyed the enemy's fleet, they will be able to advance early in the spring, and unite with general Howe's army, adding 12,000 men to it, besides Canadians. His lordship brought forward another circumstance, which was the infinite difficulty Washington found in raising men: he had been under the necessity of forcing them into arms for three years, yet gave them a bounty of 30l. a man; but nothing could make it effectual, for as fast as they were forced on one side, they deserted to the other; of which there were 6,000 armed New-Yorkers in Howe's army; that his army was collected chiefly from the south; for from New England none had been raised, and they would early be cut off from the south. These were the reasons which induced him to have the warmest hope that the next campaign would prove very favourable. By the last returns, which were in March, the troops under general Howe were in health and spirits, and we should have an army much more numerous than we had last year, with the advantages of being composed of seasoned and disciplined men, used to service, the inclemencies of weather, and the change of climate. He said, if the operations of war should be extended, and it might be thought better to employ the army under general Howe in New England, the advantages would be no less obvious; it would cut out work for the northern rebels, keep them at home, and prevent them from dividing general Howe's force, or interrupting the operations of the grand army, by which means he would be better

Colonel Barré. One circumstance the noble lord builds upon much, is the unpopular and dangerous circumstance of making Mr. Washington dictator. Now, it is very remarkable, that that account should have been denied by every private account which has come from America. Mr. Washington positively denied it. He applied to the Congress for more power, as his former authority was not sufficient for the raising and disciplining the troops voted; such an enlargement of his military power was given, but it was only relative to the army, and by no means a dictatorial authority, to include all the power of the state. Another point upon which the noble lord has insisted much, is, the French not openly assisting the Americans. But, he admits that they have given every assistance privately; that they have sent great numbers of officers, engineers, and most ample supplies of money, arms, artillery, and ammunition; this we all well know, and every one must be able to judge whether this will not have a great effect in the ensuing campaign. As to the French fleet sailing to Newfoundland without a convoy; does the noble lord recollect that that fleet will be back in June, and that there then remains full time for France to interfere and prevent our conquest of America, which, depend on it, they never will allow. Look at the present state of their fleet; they have 20 sail of the line ready for sea: Is that a peace establishment? Is that an equivocal mark of their intentions? What in the name of common sense do they intend to do with that force, if not employ it against us?-But there are great hopes from the army in Canada! I wish those hopes may not be frustrated: there is a piece of policy to be exerted there which is unheard of; another officer wresting the command away the moment

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