of that assistance which they were now lending to that unfortunate town. But, Sir, there was another circumstance which tended to mislead the House, and for which the ministers and not the House were entirely to blame, and that was the partial manner in which they laid papers before the House; they laid the accounts of facts, but no opinions of people upon the spot as to the extent of the resistance, the temper of the people, or any other circumstance concerning it. Now, Sir, if men are endued with passions, if they are not mere machines, knowing facts is knowing nothing, without knowing the springs and motives from whence such actions proceeded. Suppose, for instance, a person in a distant country had no other way of judging of the temper of this House, and of the motives of their conduct, but from the printed votes of this House, could such a man form any judgment of the reasons why such a line of conduct was approved, and why such a one was rejected? Sir, it would be ridiculous in the extreme to suppose it. Now, Sir, I will venture to affirm, that this House was not in the year 1774 informed of the spirit of opposition there was in America, and of their prejudices against taxation. If they had, I should hope they would have thought it wise, if not just, to have applied such remedies as might have healed rather than irritated the distemper. But, instead of any thing of this sort, other bills were immediately passed shewing that all was of a hostile nature, and that nothing was to be expected from this country but coercion and punishment, particularly the Act, as it is called, for the more impartial Administration of Justice; I mean the Act for sending over persons to be tried here in England. This gave the idea of a great and effective army, and as a provision for the consequences of much bloodshed and slaughter. And, after all, what an army was sent? As that Act excited their terror as well as indignation at our injustice, so the army that was sent excited their derision, without at all lessening their resentment. It taught them to contemn the power of this country, as much as they abhorred its injustice. But, as if all this was not sufficient to irritate and provoke, the Quebec Act was passed, the contents of which every body knows. The principal purpose of this Act was to form a great interest in Canada, to be a perpetual check upon the southern provinces, and to keep them in awe; it was considered in this light in America, and was held up by the violent party in that country, as a specimen of the form of government that might be introduced and established in every part of that continent. Hardly any man after this would say a word in favour of the British legislature; every remaining friend to government, as he was called, that is, every man less violent than the most violent, had nothing to say in favour of the good intentions of the mother country. After this Act passed, it put an unanswerable argument in the mouths of all parties, that the intentions of Great Britain were vindictive in the extreme. The makers of the Quebec Act, whoever they were, thus became the friends to the violent party in America. If they had not thus seasonably interposed, there was a chance of America's being divided, or at least of there being different degrees of resistance in its colonies. This made them all not only more firmly united, but equally zealous and animated, equally determined to go all lengths rather than submit. Now, Sir, the passing of that Act at that time had the same effect that, for instance, the repeal of the Test Act would have had in king Wil liam's time; for however great a friend I am to universal toleration, I should certainly have been against it at that time, because it would have disobliged one party, more than it would have served another; it would have joined a great body of Tories to the enemies of the Revolution, who were already sufficiently nume. rous. From the moment, Sir, this Quebec Act passed, there was only one party in America; it stopt the mouths of the moderate party, if any such were still left. Another extraordinary idea, Sir, was at this time taken up, namely, that the coercive Acts passed in that session would execute themselves; the only argument in favour of the minister on this head is, that they thought the army there sufficiently strong to enforce the execution of these Acts. This is another instance in which the parliament confided absolutely in ministers, as I allow must sometimes be the case; it may not be fit on all 'occasions for parliament to know, while an important business is in execution, every step and every particular; there must be a certain degree of confidence reposed in ministers, that confidence was reposed here, and ministry are therefore answerable if it should appear that they have abused it. Sir, in 1775, ministers began to be afraid, that more ill consequences might follow; they then found, for the first time, that the cause of Boston was the cause of America; they therefore passed more laws, and sent out a capital reinforcement with three able generals. The Americans, on the other hand, became still more united; the name of a party was, however, still kept up, and, notwithstanding all the violent measures of this country, and the armies that were sent out for the purpose of supporting the friends of government, the Tories, as they were called, and punishing the Whigs, yet the Tories suffered more than the Whigs, their friends more than their enemies. But, as if all this was not enough to exasperate and to prove they had no resource 1ft but in self-defence, we rejected, before the end of the session of 1775, the Petition from New-York, drawn up in the most affectionate and respectful terms that could be, considering the state of the contest: this was the last effort of the moderate party, your own friends, who were told, on the news going back to America: "You see what dependence is to be put in Great Britain: how will she treat us, when she has thus treated you?" Sir, a few weeks before the arrival of the reinforcement, the civil war began. Then followed the battle of Bunker's-Hill. This ought at least to have been a lesson to the ministry, that America was unanimous and determined to put every thing at stake. Sir, there is one circumstance I omitted to mention in its place, and that is the conciliatory proposition of the noble lord (North); I need not go into this now; it has been often considered, and without saying any thing more about it at this time, I will only say what every body must allow, that this House was left to judge of the quantum, which was one of the very principal objections urged by the Americans, that they did not know how far this claim of ours might extend; it was, in fact, not only asserting the right, but establishing it in practice. Now, Sir, I beg leave to stop here for a moment, and ask this question, Does any man seriously think it better to give up America altogether, unless we can exercise the right of taxation in the uncontrouled and unlimited manner in which we claim it? cribed the conduct of America. What, said he, was the language of America at this time? They send a petition to this country, couched in the most respectful terms, disclaiming every idea of independence, which had been, in the course of the preceding session, objected to their conduct, and desiring no concession that would be in the least dishonourable to the mother country, but supplicating his Majesty that he would be pleased to point out some mode. How was this petition received, and what was the answer? All that was said, was, To this petition no answer will be given. But the ministry gave out, that the petition was all a farce, the Americans want independence. If this had been really the case, which I in my conscience do not believe, what occasion was there for saying so? Why not have tried the experiment, and by this means. have shewed to all the world the unreasonableness of your enemies and your own moderation? Suppose for instance, you had been treating with Lewis 14, who, every body allows, aimed at universal monarchy; suppose you had been treating with him about a petty town in Flanders, would you have told him; " Ay, it is impossible to treat with you, you aim at universal monarchy, you never mean to give up this town, for you will not be contented till you get them all." But, Sir, least of all should this have been objected by those who say the government have a great party in America; that the friends to British government are still numerous and powerful there; for these arguments militate against each other. If inde pendence was a popular pretension in America, why should America have unne cessarily disclaimed it? Yes, but it is said, it was meant to deceive America-why, then, if it was necessary to deceive Ame rica, she did not mean independence, otherwise it would have been deceiving her into the belief of a thing, which she did not approve. But, if America was averse to independence, was it not worth while to try pacific measures? Instead, however, Sir, of any thing of this sort, a change of administration at this time took place, which plainly shewed there was no chance left but in war; and now, for the first time, Sir,-I allow it— Mr. Fox then ran over the various ope- real vigorous measures were adopted; the rations of the army in America, after the whole force of this country was to be arrival of the troops from their being exerted, every nerve was to be strained. cooped up in Boston, to their being obliged The first event however, of this campaign ultimately to leave it, &c. He then des-I mentioned it before--was general pedition itself is of such a dye that it deserves a separate consideration. It should be reserved to itself. Sir, after having passed resolutions concerning the various facts and events during the period I have been describing, the House will naturally form an opinion concerning their future conduct, and I shall then ask whether any man can imagine it possible to go on with an offensive war? If it should appear, that all means are inadequate to the conquering them, and that the having gone on so far has shaken the credit of the nation, more than it was shaken at the end of a six year's war with France, then it will be for the House to consider what is to be done in the present moment. It seems to me that the inference will be, that force alone is not suffi cient, and that we must call in negotiation to its aid. But, Sir, this is a subsequent consideration. Another question likewise with regard to the alliances of this country. If it shall appear that we are strong in alliances, then it is very true we may venture somewhat further than we might otherwise venture. This is a very proper thing to be considered. Howe's being driven out of Boston; and now, Sir, only to shew the versatility of some people, and, as an instance how ready men who caused all these calamities, are to adapt themseves to the unfortunate consequences of their own conduct, as soon as the news came over of general Howe's evacuating Boston, they congratulated each other on the event, they were glad of it, it was a lucky step, though, by the bye, there is still the greatest reason to believe, it was matter of necessity, not of choice. Fifty-five thousand men had been voted; sir William Howe's army was completely reinforced. Every body knows what passed. He makes himself master of Long-Island; he takes New York, &c. Here were two or three battles gained; here was a sort of victory, though not an absolute extinction of the enemy's army. What followed? All promises of taking the moment of victory for proposing terms of accommodation were forgot. But this was the moment in which the Americans declared themselves independent states. Did this look like a termination of the contest? If it did, there was a circumstance that passed in the latter end of the year 1776, from which you might, at last, have Sir, I sat out with acquainting the House, learnt that it was impossible to reduce them that I meant to day to begin with a very by mere force. I mean the affair at Trenton. small part of the business; it is only to The sudden manner in which this army draw an inference from the papers on the was gathered together, the success that at- table, that in the present situation of things tended it from the nature of the country, it will be very imprudent to send any more plainly shewed it was impossible entirely troops out of the kingdom. The peace to reduce them. But, to shew the deaf- establishment of troops in Great Britain ness of administration to every proof of the has been 17,000. Now, Sir, I do not true disposition of America, and to shew mean by what I say to approve of that esta likewise the uniform conduct of gentlemen blishment. I think it too high; but such on this side of the House, a motion was it has been of late years; 17,000 for Great made in the latter end of the year 1776 for Britain; 12,000 for Ireland; 3,500 for a revision of the laws by which the Ame- Gibraltar, and 2,300 for Minorca. These ricans might think themselves aggrieved. make altogether 34,800. This is the estaTo revise the Acts that had been passed blishment in time of profound peace. But was surely as gentle a word as could be various reasons conspire to make us appremade use of, and indeed, was the expres-hensive of war; the conduct of France, sion made use of by the commissioners themselves in a proclamation they issued in America. I need not say, Sir, this motion was, for various reasons, but without one solid argument, rejected. Sir, as to the events of the last campaign, I shall touch them very slightly. It is sufficient to say, that no decisive stroke has been given, We have got possession of three towns instead of one, but of no more extent of country than is just within a small circuit round those towns. With regard to general Burgoyne's expedition, I will only say, that it failed. The ex the state of public credit, his Majesty's Speech at the opening of the session is alone sufficient to prove there is the greatest reason to prepare for a foreign war. Now, Sir, if 34,000 men are necessary to be kept up in time of peace, I think no gen. tleman can be of opinion, that we should have less than that number at the present moment. Mr. Fox then shewed from the papers on the table, that the number of the troops now in Great Britain, including the officers, non-effective, &c. did not exceed 15,000; in Ireland 8,000, in Gibraltar and Minorca 5,000; so that there was now an actual deficiency of the peaceestablishment 6,000. I think, Sir, it appears from this it would be madness to part with any more of our army. As to the new levies, I do not now consider whether the levying them without the approbation of parliament, be legal and constitutional; that will be to be considered another day; but I speak on a supposition of their being levied. And if they are, I should hope it is not intended, that the safety of this country is to be left to their defence. On the whole, Sir, it appears to me that if gentlemen are not blind, they will see that the war is impracticable, and that no good will come from force only; that the lives that have been lost, and the treasures that have been wasted, have been wasted to no purpose; that it is high time we should look to our own situation, and not leave ourselves defenceless upon an idea of strengthening the army in America, when, after all, it will be less strong than it was last year, which produced nothing decisive, or in the least degree tending to complete conquest. Mr. Fox concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give orders, that no more of the Old Corps be sent out of the kingdom." To the great surprise of every body without doors, who had seen so full a House drawn down to attend the result of an enquiry of so much expectation, no debate ensued, nor was the smallest reply made to Mr. Fox's speech. In this singular situation the question was called for, and the Committee divided: For Mr. Fox's motion 165; Against it 259. Dunning, J. Howard, hon. T. Lowther, sir James Montagu, hon. J. Montagu, Frederick Newenham, G. L. Peirse, Henry Penruddock, Charles Thompson, B. Debate in the Commons on Clothing the New Levies raised without Consent of Par-. . liament.] Feb. 4. In the Committee of Supply, lord Barrington 'moved, That 286,6321. 14s. 6d. be granted for the clothing the newly raised forces. Sir Philip Jennings Clerke said, if he was as well convinced of the necessity and good policy of continuing the American war, as the most zealous friend to administration appeared to be, he would not sit there and consent to measures to carry it on, which he thought were totally subversive of the fundamental principles of the constitution. He had been ever taught to think, that freedom and a security of property were blessings which an English man enjoyed in a much greater degree than the inhabitants of any other country. He, therefore, could never persuade himself to think, there was a power in the crown to raise an army in this country, to any extent it pleased, without the previous assent of parliament. That power which could raise a thousand, might raise an hundred thousand; and then that liberty which we so much boast of, which was obtained by the blood of our ancestors, which we wish to transmit to our posterity, becomes at once a name only, a phantom, and an empty shadow; for whenever a bad king ascended the throne, it would be in his power to take it away from us. He thanked God we had a good King, we were in no danger at present; but it was our duty to guard against evils, which might arise hereafter. He referred to the preamble of the Mutiny Act, which says, that the King shall not raise an army in time of peace. He left the House to decide, whether this was war or not. He thought himself, a revolt of the colonies 3,000 miles distant, could hardly be called a war here. He knew, he should be told, that no danger could be incurred to the stocks from such a power being in the hands of the crown; for though the King might raise an army, the parliament must pay them; without which assistance they could not have any effect. That being admitted, he thought a very dangerous method had now been adopted, by encouraging private subscription, to be disposed of according to the direction of the crown; by which means an army might be raised and paid, and the parliament deprived of the controuling power, which was the great security of the liberty of the subject. In the present case, with the help of those quick subscriptions, a large Scotch army might have marched to Derby, without parliament being acquainted that such an army existed in the kingdom. He said, the species of army was liable to great exceptions in a constitutional light; it was too national: 9 or 10,000 men, all of any one country, was very exceptionable. He wished to avoid national reflections, but he thought too great a partiality was shewn to the people of Scotland. The noble lord (North) had said, will you punish the children of the fathers unto the third and fourth generation? By no means. But he could not think that those who on former occasions, had shewn no good-will to this country, were of all others the most fit to be trusted. He was ever averse to punishments, but could distinguish between very uncommon benefits which were now conferred on them, and punishments, when he considered the appointment in a military view, it appeared to him an imposition on the public, and an injury to the army. Rank has been given to officers in a most unprecedented manner; gentlemen have been appointed to command regiments with the rank of colonel, who never were in the service before, to the great discouragement of all the officers in the army. If it was necessary to give such advantages, there were many young people of noble families in this country, who had with great zeal and spirit engaged in the service, who had suffered hardships and inconveniences, and risked their lives in a foreign country. He thought they had at least as good a title to such preference, as those who had obtained it; and he could not help saying, he wished they had been so considered, as those who were most interested in the state, were most likely to take proper care of it. If the army wanted an augmentation, the most economical as well as useful method to do it, was to augment your old corps. The companies which now consist of only 55, ought to be increased to 100, as was done in the last war; by which means you added only one subaltern officer, and consequently made little addition to the half-pay list. It was not necsesary for any man to be an officer to discover that 300 men, added to an established corps, will much sooner be made good soldiers, than a number of raw undisciplined men together, all unacquainted with arms. He could not help observing, that there was one gentleman who had a . regiment given him, who was taken from the Swedish service, and never was in our army. He knew not what his pretensions were, but he knew such an appointment must give great dissatisfaction, and be a |