sible; if not, then to create animosity between them, or at the least to force our Government to take immediately a decisive position as regards the insurgents. This last, how ever, may be in fact a desirable thing. The insurgents are reported to have committed little violence, and attempts at looting were summarily purished. General Miller, in command of two regiments and a battery, and under convoy of the Baltimore, reached the neighborhood of Iloilo two or three days after the insurgents had seized the city. His orders from General Otis to occupy the place did not contemplate the situation found to exist. Wisely and properly, General Miller refrained from aggressive steps and reported to his superior officer. General Otis, it is reported, has now sent an agent to the insurgents requesting them to allow our troops to occupy the city, but earnestly assuring them of the good will and friendly intertions of the United States toward the people of the Philippines. It is hoped that it will not be necessary to use force, and that the reported intention of the Filipinos to yield only after a serious assault will give way. The guns of the Baltimore command Iloilo, and if an attack cannot be avoided there is little doubt that our forces, although much outnumbered by the insurgents, are equal to the emergency. Aguinaldo, the so-called President of the Filipino Republic, has disappeared from the neighborhood of Manila; his absence makes the situation more difficult of adjustment. The insurgent leaders have shown a disposition to refuse to release the Spanish prisoners held by them, as required by General Otis, alleging that hundreds of insurgents are still held as prisoners by Spain, and that the release of prisoners should be mutual. Iloilo is the next largest town to Manila in the Philippines, and is a commercial center for the important group of the Visaza Islands. Why an American expedition was not sent there at an earlier date is not certainly known; probably such a step might have seemed too much like an aggression on Spain while the treaty of peace was still under discussion. The interests of the insurgents are to be represented in Washington by a “junta " headed by Señor Agoncillo, who is already here, and including three commissioners now on their way. Señor Agoncillo's position, as stated to reporters, is that Spain had no rights in the Philippines to cede, that her authority has been practically non-existent for some time, and that the United States could only acquire

authority directly from the people of the Philippines. He adds:

What we ask is independence. What we have fought for and gained is independence by right. The American Government has not yet announced its policy, and until that is done we cannot definitely outline our action, except that in the mean time it will be for independence. What we may seek to do should the American Government decide to extend its authority is an entirely different matter, and does not enter into the question as now presented. It would be unwise for me to speak upon it now.

Railway Postal Rates

The hearings which are

now going on before the joint session of the Post-Office Committees at Washington relating to the payment of the railroads for carrying the mails have brought out much interesting information, and a good deal of adroit special pleading. Unfortunately, the worst of this special pleading has not come from railway officials, but from men in the Post-Office Department, and has been intended, not to help the Government which pays their salaries, but to help the railroads, from whom they are supposed to receive no pay. For instance, one postoffice official, in order to break down evidence that the Government pays the roads several times as high a rate as the express companies, declared that the post-office reports regarding the weight of the mail had for years been utterly misleading, and that the weight of the mails, instead of being about 600,000,000 pounds, as indicated by the receipts of the Department, was nearly 1,200,000,000 pounds. In support of this declaration he cited the fact that the city of Chicago alone furnished 75,000,000 pounds of mail; and argued that as Chicago furnished only one-sixteenth of the receipts, the total weight of the mails must be sixteen times 75,000,000 pounds. This argument ignored the fact, which everybody is familiar with, that a few publishing centers furnish nearly all the "second class" or newspaper mail, which yields scarcely any revenue. Chicago, in fact, furnishes more second-class matter than Philadelphia, Brooklyn, Boston, Baltimore, and St. Louis combined, and indefinitely more than all the rural districts of the country put together, though these cities and these districts furnish vastly more of the postal revenues. Somewhat similar though entirely honorable attempts were made by the officers of express companies to show that no trust should be placed upon the reports which these com

The

panies made for the census of 1890. General Manager of the American Express Company, for example, showed that a subordinate official of his company had reported the weight of the express matter to be the total weight for which different railroads were paid, and that, as several railroads often carried the same package before it reached its destination, the weights were often entered several times. The corrections which he made reduced the average weight of packages to a little less than thirty pounds. Yet, even with this correction, inasmuch as the average payment made to the railroads is but sixteen cents for each package, the express companies are paying but six mills per pound, while the Government pays just ten times that sum. Inasmuch, however, as express matter is usually hauled only about one-third as far as mail matter, the advocates of the railroads, reversing their usual position, may claim that the short haul should pay only one-third as much as the long haul. If this be just, then the charge which the railroads make to the Government is only three times as great as they make to the express companies.

The Future of Palestine

The visit of the Emperor of Germany has awakened a good deal of discussion in Europe as to the probable future of Palestine. The London "Spectator" indulges in some speculation in regard to the destiny of that very interesting country-a country which presents great difficulties for the simple reason that Jerusalem is sacred, as the "Spectator" says, "to so many creeds and warring faiths." It is the holy place of all the Christian Churches-Protestant, Romanis, and Greek; it is sacred to the Jews, and it is sacred to the Mohammedans. The Turk is now in possession; but it seems highly improbable that he will be able to keep possession. When he goes, who will take his place? Up to this time Russia, France, and England have alone been interested in Syria; now Germany has entered the field. The success of the Zionist movement, which would make the Jews the holders of the Holy Land as the trustees for Europe, is one of the possibilities of the future; but there are very grave difficulties in the way of making it a reality. England does not want Syria; and, if the "Spectator" is to be believed, "would not take it as a gift." French influ

ence in the country has greatly declined; although at one time France was, from the standpoint of the Syrians, the greatest of European Powers. Russia has now taken her place, by the aid of intelligent consuls, monasteries, and schools; and if Russia wants Syria, in the end she will probably get it. The country is filled with Greek monasteries and with Russian pilgrims. That the Emperor of Germany is intent upon extending the sphere of German influence in Syria, and that many steps have been taken in that direction, has been made clear during the past few weeks to all who have studied the situation. The significant fact about all this speculation is the agreement, apparently, that Palestine is not likely to remain indefinitely in Turkish possession.

No public movement of Persecuting the Jews late years has been more odious in spirit or more contemptible in method than the anti-Semite agitation in Europe. The leaders of that movement have shown a lack of humanity and an indifference to the decencies of civilized life which seem like a survival of barbarism. This is especially true of the French anti-Jewish fanatics, led by men who have not hesitated to hint at a new St. Bartholomew's. What the haters of the Jews can do when they have their way has been shown in Algiers. The Mayor of that city, who is a fanatical anti-Semite, for the purpose of ridding the colony of its Jewish residents, has devised a system of irritat ing and offensive regulations. He compels the cafés frequented by Jews to close early; he limits Jewish cabmen to special stands; he has put Jewish shopkeepers under the most annoying regulations; and he has fitly crowned the device of his small-minded and mean-spirited persecution by a bit of childish malice which would seem incredible if it were not reported from trustworthy sources. He has had photographers sent to the Jewish shops to take snap-shot portraits of the ladies who visit these shops as customers, and these portraits are to be hung in a public place! What has become of the French devotion to women, or of that courtesy with which the French have so long been credited, even by those who have not respected their political character? The world has outgrown the age when one race can entertain itself by sticking pins into another race. Such exhibitions are offensive to all right-minded people.

We have received a letter A Peace Pilgrimage from Mr. William T. Stead, sent to a number of prominent Americans, accompanying advance sheets of the English edition of the "Review of Reviews," and urging that measures be taken to develop a public sentiment among the nations of the earth in support of the Czar's proposal for peace. In his letter he says:

I may state that I have seen in my journey round Europe most of our Ambassadors and your Peace Commissioners of Paris. None of them, of course, could speak officially, but personally they one and all expressed to me their hearty sympathy, and assured me that, in their opinion, the occasion was most propitious, and that the movement, if started in America, could not fail to sweep all before it. Circumstances which to many appeared to be detrimental to the success of such a crusade of peace in your country and in mine, in reality will contribute most to its success. The very moderate and statesmanlike proposals of the Emperor in no way conflict with the maintenance of what each nation considers to be its legitimate armament; all that is sought is to slow down the break-neck competition in armaments which has resulted in an international game of Beggar-my-Neighbor on a scale that is a disgrace to Christendom. The need for establishing some kind of international safeguard or barrier against the easily excited passions of the peoples has been demonstrated only too clearly by recent events. I think, therefore, that it will be possible for men of all parties, and of both schools of the expansionists and their opponents, to unite in the support of this crusade of peace.

As a means for creating this public sentiment, he proposes local organizations in every center of population in Britain and America "to express in formal resolution their determination that the Peace Conference shall be made a success, and to appoint a local committee for the furtherance of the objects of the Conference." From these local committees he proposes a national committee of the two English-speaking nations to be organized, under whose authority and appointment a joint deputation should "make a pilgrimage of peace throughout Europe, summoning all the other nations to bestir themselves, and to unite with them in this great manifestation of popular enthusiasm in the cause of peace," eventually reaching the Czar before the Peace Conference opens, and conveying to him the "welcome assurance that he has behind him in his beneficent enterprise the immense force of the Englishspeaking race." We believe that Mr. Stead is absolutely right in his judgment that an appeal should be made directly to the people of Europe and America in support of the

proposal to lessen the present competitive increase of burdensome armies and navies. It is certain that any movement toward reducing military and naval forces will have to come from the people; it is too much to expect that it will come from those who are supported by the immense military establishments. Whether Mr. Stead's plan of a pilgrimage through the States of Europe for the purpose of creating this public sentiment is the best method to secure the end we are not so sure.

In Austria

The situation in the Austrian Empire does not improve; on the contrary, the political and religious antagonisms are becoming as violent and as irrational in Hungary as in Austria. The Nationalist Opposition, which had a great opportunity, as readers of The Outlook remember, of putting itself in the position of rendering a great service to the Empire, and so assuming, for the time being at least, a paramount influence in its affairs, continues to oppose every attempt to secure any compromise which will make it possible to carry on the joint business of the two countries. Baron Banffy, the Premier, seems to be in thorough accord with the Emperor, and probably has a majority of the Liberal party at his back. But he is opposed by the Clericals, the Separatists, and the Nationalists, all of whom are engaged in a passionate warfare against him, carrying on the most violent agitation in all parts of the country. What is to be accomplished by this obstruction it is difficult at this distance to discern. It looks very much as if the Opposition were throwing away the greatest opportunity Hungary has had of late years; as if they were driving the Emperor into the last resort of governing without the Constitution.

There are signs that the The Triple Alliance strain on the Triple Alliance has nearly reached the breaking point. The good understanding which has been arrived at between Italy and France has effected a great change of feeling in Italy, and one which must, in the nature of things, cool the Italian ardor for an alliance with Austria and Germany, which is chiefly a defensive alliance against France. The Austrians are very much irritated by the expulsion of Austrian subjects from Silesia in pursuance

of a very arbitrary policy on the part of the German Government, and by very arbitrary methods. In the Austrian Reichsrath on a recent occasion Count Thun spoke with unmistakable vigor on the subject. There was a note of something very like menace in his attitude; and there is no doubt that his words express a growing feeling in Austria. The German press does not attempt to explain the action of the German Government, but puts in the plea that, while the subjects of the German Empire in Austria and Hungary are probably less than one hundred thousand, many of whom are of great value to the localities in which they live on account of their financial and other resources, the Austrian subjects on German territory amount to nearly two hundred and fifty thousand, the great majority of whom are either Polish or Bohemian workingmen settled chiefly in Silesia and Saxony, but largely represented also in all parts of Germany as peddlers, waiters, musicians, and in the different crafts. During recent years a large number of Austrian Jews have settled in Germany. It must be confessed that this is a very inadequate answer to Count Thun's indictment; and that if the policy of arbitrarily excluding foreigners is to be justified, it must find some stronger ground than a mere difference in numbers between two countries.

The German press

Meantime More Armaments is already saying

with great distinctness that it is very doubtful whether the Triple Alliance is any longer treated with seriousness either in Vienna or Budapest; and that influences are at work which are likely to detach Austria from her place beside Germany. The Government organs are not slow to lay hold of the coolness of Austria as an argument in behalf of the proposed increase of the German army, and to reaffirm the dangerous position in which Germany stands by reason of her geographical situation. The Czar's "Peace Manifesto" is accepted as entirely sincere, and is regarded as a pledge that at present no attack may be expected from any side; but it is pointed out that the process of disarmament has not begun, and that unless there is a radical change of conditions it is not likely to begin in the near future. In both France and Russia, the German journals declare, military organization is being perfected and military material of every sort

accumulated with untiring energy. The annual draft of recruits has been greatly increased, the strength of the armies on a peace footing has been augmented, and every form of military organization enlarged in scope and advanced in effectiveness. There is no doubt of the truth of these statements; and there is no reason, apparently, why the process should not go on indefinitely unless some great military leader, like the Czar of Russia, takes the matter in hand—as the Czar proposes to do-and by mutual agreement stops a ruinous process of increasing the drainage both of men and money. In the long run it is probable that disarmament must come about in this way; or else, as a result of hopelessly increasing the burdens, the peoples of Europe will rise in despairing protest.

The Nicaragua Commission's Report

The preliminary report of the Nicaragua Canal Commission is as clear and compact as a public document should be. The Commission states that its members have personally examined the entire canal region from ocean to ocean; have employed some seventy engineers and helpers for ten months in making surveys and examinations; and have also obtained the observations of experts regarding the climatic and other conditions affecting the feasibility of the canal project. They are unanimous in the belief that the construction of the canal is entirely feasible. Admiral Walker and Mr. Haupt, one of the engineers upon the Commission, estimate the cost at $123,000,000, while the other engineer, Mr. Hains, believes that this estimate should be increased about one-fifth. The Commissioners state that a much less expensive canal could be constructed, but justly urge that when the canal is built it should be adapted to the large ships of modern commerce. The route which they recommend is the one mapped out by Captain Lull in 1872. They do not condemn the Maritime Canal Company's route, but give it as their judgment that the Lull route would be slightly easier of construction, would present no problems not well within good engineering precedents, and would be a safer and more reliable canal when conpleted. The Nicaragua canal bill reported by Senator Morgan, favoring the Maritime Canal Company, is, therefore, likely to be still further amended, if not defeated.

President McKinley has is Cuban Currency sued an order designed to Perplexities put an end to the confusion

in the Cuban currency system-or rather chaos. Just how chaotic things have been is easily illustrated. As Mr. Clark says in his "Commercial Cuba," one of the first things to impress an American visitor is that when he exchanges his American bills for Cuban gold he gets a slight premium; when he exchanges the Cuban gold for Cuban silver, he gets a still further premium; and if he exchanges his Cuban silver for Cuban paper, he receives a still further nominal enrichment. The premium on the exchange for Cuban gold is the most difficult to understand, as it is naturally assumed that gold has everywhere the same value. In Cuba, however, an artificial value has been given to gold in order to prevent its export. The Government, for example, decreed that the gold piece ("centen ") whose bullion value is $4.82 should pass current for $5.30, or ten per cent. more. This projected increase it has not been able to effect in full, but (by refusing the free coinage of gold to private parties) it has increased the market value of its gold coins about six per cent. In attempting to replace this arbitrary and complicated system by a natural and simple one, President McKinley and his adviser, Commissioner Porter, seem to have had in mind some such principle as this: In the future all coins shall be received at their bullion value; but present debts shall be estimated at the present market value of the coins in which they are payable. The order, however, is not so simple as this. The centen is to have its bullion value of $4.82 at Government offices, but be receivable at its old legal value of $5.30 in payment of existing obligations; but the peso or dollar, which is the monetary unit of the country, has an artificial value of 60 cents at the Government offices, though its nominal value is 93 cents and its bullion value about 50 cents. As the value given to the peso at the custom-houses and tax offices is likely to be its market value, it would seem that the burden of debts payable in pesos would be changed. This change will doubtless create some friction.

University of Michigan, Taussig, of Harvard University, Jenks, of Cornell University, Sherwood, of Johns Hopkins, and Kinley, of the University of Illinois, made a report on the subject of currency reform in the United States. We wish that, for popular effect, they had formulated their conclusions in a brief statement which the ordinary American could understand. In attempting to supply this formulation The Outlook labors under the difficulty of possibly not correctly apprehending all the positions of the committee. We understand its members to hold, however, that two things are wanting and needful in our currency: stability of standard and elasticity of currency. To secure the first they propose definitely to recognize and adopt the gold standard, not on the ground that that is necessarily the best, but on the ground that the only other one which economists favor, that is, international bimetallism, is at present and for a long time will be out of the question. To secure the stability of the gold standard they recommend its explicit adoption by law, and also such legislation as shall make it easy for the Treasury to maintain the convertibility into gold of other forms of currency. As our readers know, The Outlook agrees with this general conclusion of the Committee. The country has decided in favor of international bimetallism, if it can be secured; otherwise the gold standard. An honest and sincere effort has been made to secure bimetallism, and it has failed. Now, those who believe in the result of the last Presidential election should unite on the only alternative offered, the definite adoption of the gold standard. To secure elasticity the recommendations of the committee are not so explicit, nor, it seems to us, quite so clear. All legal-tender notes should be withdrawn from circulation and the currency alone supplied by the banks. The committee is not, apparently, positively agreed. They recommend, however, an increase of bank circulation, and to this end they would allow the banks to issue notes on their assets as well as on Government bonds. They wou'd lower the tax on circulation, "o, better st.ll, levy it on capital and surplus," or they would lower the tax for ordinary circulation and levy a higher tax when the circulation exceeded a certain normal income, so as to make it for the interests of the banks to withdraw their notes except when a high rate of interest was paid. They favor some system of branch banks so constructed as "to supplement but