if she brought him to the royal presence. Emboldened by the King's words, she went and brought him. His Majesty conversed with him, it is said, for above three hours, and, in the end, desired him to take his wife home, for she had taken great pains for him. Fyshe had fled formerly for fear of the Cardinal, and now he replied-" he durst not so do, for fear of Sir Thomas More the Chancellor, and Stokesly the Bishop of London." The King, taking the signet from his finger, recommended him to the Lord Chancellor, charging him not to molest him. More received the signet as a sufficient safe-guard, of course, but enquired if he had any discharge for his wife? She had displeased the friars, by not allowing them to say their Gospels in Latin in her house, as they did in others, and insisted that they should say them in English. Next morning, More actually sent his man for her, but her young daughter being sick of the plague, prevented his approach, as well as any farther molestation. Within six months after this, Mr. Fyshe himself died of the same disease, and was interred in St. Dunstan's, the cery same church where Tyndale had been accustomed to preach in 1523. The Chancellor, in his loose and mendacious style, represented him as recanting before he died, of which there is not the slightest evidence. His widow was afterwards married to a gentleman of the same profession as her first husband, Mr. Baynham, of whom we shall hear before long.28

SECTION VIII.

FORMIDABLE OPPOSITION PURSUIT AFTER TYNDALE BY THE KING AND CRUMWELL STILL IN VAIN-TYNDALE'S ANSWER TO SIR T. MORE-EPISTLE OF JOHN EXPOUNDED-JONAH, WITH A PROLOGUE-CRITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND-RENEWED PERSECUTION-BROTHER OF TYNDALE-BILNEY -BAYFIELD-MANY BOOKS IMPORTING CONSTANTYNE CAUGHT-ESCAPES -PERSECUTION ABROAD POWERFUL REMONSTRANCE FROM ANTWERP WITH CRUMWELL, INCLUDING THE KING AND THE LORD CHANCELLOR.

THE principal feature of the present year was that of deter

28 See Wood's Ath. by Bliss, i., p. 59-60, and Foxe's "Story of Simon Fyshe." The latter is full of mistakes as to years, a not unusual fault, but the substance of his narrative often supplies the corrective. Foxe traces the hand of Anne Boleyn in this transaction, and this is not improbable. But, at the same time, it is particularly worthy of remark, that the incident took place just at the period when Henry had received the noble letter of Latimer already referred to, and it may be allowed to have produced some temporary impression. Surely it must.

mined opposition to Divine truth, abroad as well as at home; for although one man had been raised up by God to lead on the faithful, unquestionably it was truth alone which occasioned all the uproar, not the opinions of men. And as to our native land especially, if we should still farther discriminate, it was through the Book of God, in our native language, that Divine truth now penetrated into the heart of this country. Last year had witnessed the Royal denunciation of our Translator by name, as well as all that he had then published; but since then, by his "Practice of Prelates," he had advanced one step farther, in combating the darkness and superstition which covered the land. That tract had been read by men of every grade, from the palace itself, down to the hamlet; by citizens of London, and husbandmen in Essex, in Suffolk, and elsewhere. Here he had not only implored, but warned the King to beware of persecution, and faithfully gave his judicious. opinion with regard to the divorce; that miserable question still in discussion throughout Europe. By this year, however, Henry had nearly got this question framed, according to his own liking, and as he was soon to bring it before Parliament, he must have felt incensed by Tyndale's reference to its proceedings, not to say that the next would lie open to a second review. Besides, Sir Thomas More had but lately come into office, and he, with the Bishops, had cordially concurred in advising persecution, having secured the royal name to sanction and enforce their measures. The safety of Tyndale, therefore, was now in far greater hazard, than it ever had been in the days of the Cardinal. Wolsey had been roused from his lair, chiefly by the Satyre of Roye, and his chase of the prey had ended with his own downfall; but the truth and good sense contained in Tyndale's last production, was like a spur by far too sharp for the passions and the pride of such a man as Henry the Eighth. His anxiety to seize the man, or allure him into the kingdom, will be found to harmonise with the growing ferocity of his character. Tyndale's escapes, during this year, must have illustrated the tender care of a gracious Providence; but the mystery now is, how he had contrived to make such progress at the press. Yet once engaged he had determined not only to maintain his ground, but advance in the prosecution of his great enterprise. This year was, therefore, distinguished by the appearance of not

His answer to Sir Thomas

fewer than three distinct pieces. More's Dialogue; his Exposition of the First Epistle of John; and his translation of the Prophet Jonah, with a long preface or prologue.

The annoyance and persecution of Tyndale personally, however, preceded the appearance of any of these pieces, and it is due to their contents that this should first be noticed. Denunciation of the Scriptures, and of all that he had published, would now no longer suffice. The King was incensed, and before the summer of this year, would have dealt with anything of Tyndale's, as Jehoiakim did of old with Jeremiah's roll. The Priests of the day also, as in the case of another ancient Prophet, had thought of the man, if not said," the land is not able to bear all his words." The strong arm of power must be stretched out to reach him if possible, and, no doubt, there were not a few who imagined, that his days were now numbered. Amidst all other affairs, the apprehension of Tyndale at this period, held a place in point of importance, which has never before been fully explained. It would certainly be too severe, to ascribe all the measures adopted to Henry alone, even though he should appear most conspicuous, and engaged in eager pursuit, through the instrumentality of three, if not four, individuals; for still the head and hand of Sir Thomas More, and the hearts of the Bishops, sanctioned all; but it will be far more melancholy, if Crumwell, so lately come into power, should appear to be a most willing agent, and even Cranmer, for many a day, nay, throughout the whole of Tyndale's lifetime, evince no sympathy whatever!

The Government persecution of our Translator, which had now commenced, lends a peculiar emphasis to every page he had already emitted, but more especially to the publications of the present year.

In December last, the aunt of Charles, Lady Margaret, or Regent of the Low Countries, had died, and the Emperor had nominated his sister, Mary, Queen of Hungary, to succeed. She, however, did not assume the reins of government till October of this year. Whether this interregnum was deemed favourable to the apprehension of Tyndale, is not distinctly expressed; but certainly no time was lost in taking advantage of it; and it was during this season that he was next so keenly pursued. Hackett, who is already well

known to the reader, returned to England after Lady Margaret's decease, bearing a letter, dated 3d January 1531, from the Emperor to Henry; 29 but he was sent abroad again that same year, and had an audience in June, at Ghent, with Mary, the new Regent.30 Most gladly would he have apprehended the Translator of the books he had so repeatedly burned; but, independently of him, or immediately after the death of Margaret, if not before, it had been resolved to send two accredited Envoys to the Low Countries, one of whom, if not both, were charged with special instructions in reference to Tyndale. The first, Mr. Stephen Vaughan, was much employed in commercial and pecuniary negociations, down to as late a period as 1546. The second was Thomas Wriothsley, uncle to the first Earl of Southampton, afterwards Lord Chancellor, and the second Earl. The first, by far the most candid of the two, was stationed at Barrow and Antwerp, and the second, a uniform enemy of the truth, repaired to Brussels.31 The draught of their credentials afterwards, upon Lady Mary's appearance, and as corrected by Henry's own hand, is now in the Museum.3

32

So early as the 22d of January, Vaughan writes to Crumwell; and, on the 26th, we have his first letter to the King himself, the whole of which will disclose how much in earnest his Majesty had been, to lay hold on this eminent man, or get him within his grasp. The reader will have to bear with the style of his Majesty's correspondent, as well as his fulsome anxiety to please his royal Master; but there is no history to be compared with letter history, whether in regard to the evolution of character, or the actual state of things

"Most excellent Prince, and my most redoubted Sovereign, mine humble observation due unto your Majesty-My mind continually labouring and thirsting, most dread and redoubtable Sovereign, with exceeding desire to attain the knowledge of such things as your Majesty commanded me to learn and practice in these parts, and thereof advertise you, from time to time, as the case should require. And being often dismayed with the regard of so many mischances, as always obviate and meet with my labours and policies, whereby the same (after great hope had, to do something acceptable unto your Highness' pleasure) turn suddenly to become frustrate, and of none effect, bringing me, doubtless,

29 Cotton MS. Galba, B. ix., fol. 234.

30 Idem, fol. 238.

31 Vaughan, in short, was the successor to Hackett, as King's agent or royal merchant, at a salary of twenty shillings per day, the usual sum to ambassadors; and equal to about £5000 per annum, of the present time. This man will prove to have been an élève of Crumwell's. 32 Galba, B. x., fol. 38, no date.

into right great sorrow and inquietude, considering that. Wherefore, lately, I have written three sundry letters unto Willyam Tyndall, and the same sent, for the more surety, to three sundry places-to Frankfort, Hamburgh, and Marleborough, (i. e. Marburg ;) I then not being assured in which of the same he was. I had very good hope, after I heard say in England, that he would, upon the promise of your Majesty, and of your most gracious safe-conduct, be content to repair and come into England, that I should, partly therewith, and partly with such other persuasions as I then devised in my said letters, and, finally, with a promise which I made him-that whatsoever surety he would reasonably desire, for his safe coming in and going out of your realm, my friends should labour to have the same granted by your Majesty—(but) that now, the bruit and fame of such things (as since my writing to him) hath chanced within your realm, should provoke the man, not only to be minded to the contrary of that whereunto I had thought, without difficulty, to have easily brought him, but also to suspect my persuasions to be made to his more peril and danger; than, as I think, if he were verily persuaded and placed before you, (your most gracious benignity, and piteous regard natural, and custom always had, towards your humble subjects considered, and specially to those, which, (ac)knowledging their offences, shall humbly require your most gracious pardon,) he should ever have need to doubt or fear. Like as your Majesty as well by his letter, written with his own hand, sent to me for answer of my said letters; as also by the copy of another letter of his, answering some other person, whom your Majesty perhaps had commanded to persuade by like means may plain apperceive-which letters, like as together I received from the party, so send I, herewith inclosed to your Highness.

"And whereas I lately apperceived, by certain letters directed to me from Mr. Fitzwilliam,33 Treasurer of your household, that I should endeavour myself, by all the ways and means I could study and devise, to obtain you a copy of the book, which I wrote was finished, by Tyndall, answering to a book put forth in the English tongue by my Lord Chancellor, and the same should send to your Majesty, with all celerity—I have undoubtedly so done and did, before the receipt thereof. Howbeit, I neither can get any of them, nor, as yet, (is it) come to my knowledge that any of them should be put forth; but being put forth, I shall then not fail, with all celerity, to send one unto your Highness.

“My business is such, during the marts, as giveth me little or none occasion to go abroad, whereby I might, by chance, hear some things meet for your gracious knowledge.-From Barrow, the 26 January, anno 1530,” i. e. 1531.

Vaughan, before he became irritated, was extremely solicitous to please the King, and was therefore anxious about the favourable reception of this, his first despatch; he therefore

33 Sir William Fitzwilliam is meant, afterwards Earl of Southampton, the nephew of Wriothsley, already mentioned. The occasion of his being knighted, as reported by Stowe, was curious enough. He was one of those who subscribed the articles against Wolsey, but after his downfall, or in April last, he entertained him most kindly at his house in the country near Peterborough. "Being called before the King, and demanded how he durst entertain so great an enemy to the State? His answer was that he had not contemptuously or wilfully done it, but only because he had been his master, and partly the means of his greatest fortunes." The King was so well pleased with his answer, that, saying, "himself had too few such servants," im mediately he knighted him, and afterward made him a Privy Counsellor.-Stowe's London. He died before his uncle, or in 1542, and Wriothsley himself, one of the ambassadors now before us, was then created Earl of Southampton, under King Edward, or immediately after Henry was laid in his grave. 34 Cotton MS. Galba, B. x., fol. 42.