tribes, if Rehoboam had promised to conserve their liberties? Saying, further, What shall we then generally think of this revolt from allegiance, which hath possessed well near ten tribes of the twelve, and yet in page 21, he tells us of a vote passed by a few upon the place, that this work of resistance is not carried on with a general and unanimous consent, and yet here he saith, ten tribes of twelve are for it.

In examining the causes of this war, and resistance, the Doctor saith, To speak truth, religion and liberties can be no other than the pretences of this war, the king having fortified them with so many acts of his grace passed this parliament, that they cannot be in that danger that is pretended for the raising of this war: it must be something that his majesty indeed doth deny, for which the contention is raised; which we shall find to be his power of arms, his power of denying in parliament the government of the church, and the revenue of it, which he is bound by oath to maintain, as by law they are established.

This is a very bold assertion and scandalous to charge a parliament in the face of the world with hypocrisy: but how doth this agree to the Doctor's own principles, who doth declaim against men for their uncharitableness, in not believing the king's protestations? Is this then no uncharitableness in him, charging the houses with pretending one thing. and intending another? Is not conscience as well bound to be charitable, and to believe the protestations of the parliament, as those papers that come out in the name of the king; and hath the parliament and houses carried themselves so unworthily and basely, that under pretence of religion, we should think they gape after the revenues of the church? Oh, where is this man's charity? And if the king be bound by oath, as the Doctor saith, to maintain the government of the church as by law established, yet he is no more bound by virtue of that oath to maintain that government than any other law of the kingdom; and as for other laws, if the king and parliament, think fit to repeal them, they may, yet without breach of the king's oath : so in this also.

Then the Doctor comes, in page 25, to open himself somewhat more freely concerning the government of the church by bishops: where he saith, That it is such a government

which the church always had since the first receiving of the christian faith in this land, and of all other governments simply the best, the abolishing whereof the king hath reason by power of arms to divert.

To which I answer, that if the Doctor look into the story of queen Mary's time, he shall find, that suffering protestant churches, which by reason of persecution were fain to lie hid in London, were governed by elders and deacons: that is simply the best government of the church which is chalked and ruled out by the Scripture, as the Doctor will confess. And if this government be so, I wonder that those that are so much for it, should be of that judgment, that there is no particular form of church government laid down in the word; which judgment they must needs be of, unless they will hold, that the government of other churches is sinful, and contrary unto the word, which they are loth for to do. And truly if this government be simply the best, the best hath the worst. success; for there is no government in all the churches of christendom, that hath had so many sects and schisms, or occasioned so much separation from the churches of Christ, as this hath done. There are many sects and divisions in the Low Countries, but none of them departing from the protestant church there, by reason of the church government or discipline, but by reason of doctrine.

Let any man but seriously consider the protestant churches in Switzerland, France, Holland, Germany, Scotland, and he shall easily observe, that there is no such separation or division made from the churches, by reason of the church government established in them, as hath been here in England, by reason of this diocesan government. And if any man shall say, this bad success here is rather to be imputed to the wickedness of the governors, than the corruption of government; why should he think that the governors in England are more wicked than in other protestant churches, if the government itself did not give scope to their wickedness? And if the government of diocesan bishops, be of all governments the best, we wonder that Christ and his apostles should not appoint it: surely they appointed some government in the church; and what they appointed was jure divino, and so best: whereas this was never counted jure divino, until of late. But if this government be simply the

best, it will abide trial in its due time and place: but that it should be so good, as that the abolishing thereof, the king hath reason by power of arms to divert, this is strange. Now the Doctor shews himself, that he had rather the kingdom should be embrued in a bloody war, than episcopacy should be put down; and that will stir up the king to an unnatural civil war for the upholding of that order. Judge ye, oh, all Englishmen, whether it be better for you to have this order taken away, than for the whole kingdom to lie embrued in their own gore?

In the conclusion of this Section the Doctor complains, that the king's spear and cruse, and necessary ammunition, and provisions, are taken away; not restored, though often demanded; contrary, saith he, to the example of David, who having taken the spear and the cruse from Saul his king, restored them again before they were demanded. 1 Sam. xxvi.

But though Saul's spear was restored before it was demanded, yet not before Saul had humbled himself to David, saying, "I have sinned; return, my son David, for I will no more do thee harm; because my soul was precious in thine eyes this day behold, I have played the fool, and have erred exceedingly," ver. 21. Whereupon David arose, and said, ver. 22, "Behold the king's spear, let one of the young men come over and fetch it." Neither is mention here made of restoring the cruse. Some other things the Doctor hath in this Section, wherein he doth rather charge than prove; but men's knowledge may sufficiently answer to those things.

SECTION VII.

In this last Section the Doctor tells us, that though conscience could be persuaded that it is lawful to make a defensive resistance, yet it can never be persuaded that the king is such as the people must be made to believe he is: for indeed it concerns all such as will resist upon the principles now taught, to render their prince odious to his people, under the hateful notions of tyrant, subverter of religion and laws, a person not to be trusted, or at least as one

seduced to such evil designs, by wicked counsels, that he will bring in popery, that he will not stand to his promises.

I answer, These are sad charges, but how groundless God and the world knows. Who may not see how tender the parliament hath been of the king's honour? Therefore they have not been willing to believe that those declarations that came out in his name, are his own. Therefore they charge all that is done, on his counsellors, not on himself; herein being fully like unto David, who though Saul came out against him, yet did he not impute that unnatural war unto Saul himself, so much as unto those that were about him, saying unto Saul, " If the Lord hath stirred thee up against me, let him accept an offering; but if they be the children of men, cursed be they before the Lord: for they have driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord," 1 Sam. xxvi. 19. Therefore also, when the parliament hath written any thing that might in the least measure reflect upon his majesty, I have observed that they never did write so, but to vindicate and to clear themselves from some aspersions first cast upon them; and when they did write so, like Shem and Japhet, they took a garment and went backward; desiring rather to cover than to behold any nakedness in our dread sovereign. And woe be unto them from the Lord, but I will not curse them with the curse of Cham, who put his majesty upon such actions, whereby any nakedness should be discovered.

Then the Doctor comes to the examination of those fears and jealousies which have possessed the people, which he saith are raised on these grounds: report of foreign powers to be brought in, the queen's religion, the resort of papists to his majesty, his intercepting of means sent for the relief of Ireland. To which he answers, that the report of foreign invasions, given out to keep the people in a muse, the easier to draw them into a posture of defence, are discovered in time to have been vain. But, saith he, if there be now any foreign aid coming towards the king, (as all christian kings cannot but think themselves concerned in this cause,) it will be just for him to use them against subjects now in arms.

To which I answer, that it doth not appear that our fears ⚫ were vain, because foreign invasion hath been prevented; for we may rather think that therefore we have not been invaded by

foreigners, because the parliament hath been vigilant both by sea and land to prevent them. But who doth not see that so far as lies in the Doctor, he doth invite foreign forces into the land, and so stir up other princes for to send them, and eur king for to use them? Whether this be agreeable to an English divine, or an English subjcct, I leave to be judged. Then he saith, the queen's religion is no new cause.

To this I say nothing, but leave it, being matter of fact, to the judgment of eyes that have seen actions, whether there be no more cause of jealousy now than at her first entrance.

And, for the resort of papists, and the king's entertaining them, the Doctor strengthens the intrust of it with that example of David: We may see, saith he, what manner of men were gathered to David in his distress, and how Ziba was rewarded.

To which I say this only, how can the Doctor make it appear, that those that were gathered to David, were men of another religion from David, and of such a religion that by the state was counted rebellion, who also by the state was to be disarmed? Which if the Doctor does not make good, this instance is nothing to our case.

And, for the matter of Ireland, I leave that wholly to the parliament's declarations, who without doubt know the proceedings of those better than this Doctor; and what conscience enlightened will not rather rest for satisfaction upon parliamentary declarations, than upon this Doctor's assertion in this matter.

The other things in this Section are mostly matter of fact, and therefore I must refer them to men's sense. Only I cannot but observe, how in all things the Doctor clears the king, and casts dirt upon the parliament, but still with this cunning, when he hath laid the greutest aspersion upon them, he retracts in these words: I speak not this to cast any blemish upon the wisdom of the great council. Like as before, when he had said what he could, or happily dared, for the king's ruling by conquest, he comes oft with this kind of speech: This I speak not as if the kings of the land might rule as conquerors. And this is an ordinary sleight, when men have preached against purity and holiness, with as much bitterness as they can, then they think to come off in this or the like manner: God forbid that I should speak against