north aisle, which might ead to the cemetery, and also allow the aged monks in the infirmary to get access to the chantry chapels without interfering with the privacy of the cloister. Another door was then added in the south transept to allow the laity to attend these services in the chapels, keeping clear of the choir of the monks.

The nave has been so nearly destroyed that we can only judge from the slight remains of the eastern arches that they must have been of the same date as the choir. The conventual buildings first built are also destroyed, but their junction with the north transept can still be seen. Similar marks of the loftier buildings that succeeded them in the 13th century also exist.

Before the middle of the 13th century large grants of land and of church livings had been made to the monastery, so that they had become possessed of extensive estates. In the fourteenth year of King Stephen,-two years after the foundation of the monastery,-Walter de Scudamore gave a parcel of land called Fulkes mead; Alan de Plokenet lord of Kilpeck, the Alans of Alansmore, the Cliffords, and others gave benefactions that can still be partially identified. In 1216, the last year of the reign of King John, he gave them "All the land between the river Dore and the rivulet called Trivelbrook," a tract of 500 acres, extending to Whitfield.

It is not surprising that we find them about the middle of the 13th century executing considerable works. In 1260, Peter de Aquablanca, Bishop of Hereford, issued a letter granting 20 days abatement or release of penance to such as contributed to the building of "the sumptuous church of Dore." This probably refers to the completion of the nave, which was of very great length. His successor, Thomas de Cantilupe, called St. Thomas of Hereford, consecrated the church at the risk of his life, owing to the armed opposition of the Welsh partizans of the Bishop of Menevia, who claimed part of the diocese. The church would be blessed only in its early stages, the fact of its consecration shews that it was considered complete. About the same time, that is, towards the middle of the 13th century, very extensive buildings were being erected on the east side of the cloister garth.

When our Club visited Abbeydore on 25th May, 1882, I formed the opinion that the chapter house had been not of the usual square form but polygonal, although no Cistercian abbey in Britain, except Margam, in the county of Glamorgan, was then known to have had a polygonal chapter house. By careful search and excavations we have since ascertained that the chapter house was a twelve-sided, or perhaps a six-sided building, of beautiful design, having a clustered column in the centre, the base of which was found by me in the rectory garden; from it the vaulted ribs sprung to the angles of the building. I think also that we have found parts of the small arcade that ran round the interior, forming stalls for the monks, and a base stone that stood in one of the angles of the building was found by me in the belfry. There is indeed evidence to show that the chapter house at Dore abbey was no unworthy precursor of those of Westminster, Salisbury, Wells, and Hereford. The chapter house at Margam abbey measured about 50 feet (internal diameter), which size I have adopted in the rough plan of Dore which accompanies this paper.

The other buildings of the monastery have been entirely destroyed. The site of the cloister is now part of the rector's kitchen garden. East of it was the chapter house, and probably a passage leading to the infirmary, a distinct building with its own chapel and kitchen, where the aged monks lived, free from care and from the austerities of the monastic life. Beyond this passage came the fratry or day room of the monks, vaulted with stone, without fire, and partly open to the outer air. Over these was the dormitory, with a passage leading to a high doorway in the north transept wall, by which the monks entered the church when they came direct from their beds to the midnight and early morning services. This doorway exists, but the staircase leading down into the transept has been destroyed.

On the north side of the cloister would be three rooms, the calefactory, which was a small room with a fire, where they might warm themselves in very cold weather; the refectory, with a pulpit in which one of the monks read while the rest dined, having first washed their hands at a stone lavatory built in the cloister wall; and lastly came the kitchen.

On the west side came the day room and dormitory of the lay brethren, and probably the residence of the abbot. In the outer court, quite away from the cloister, would be the barns and workshops, and the abbey mill, where a mill now stands. As both rich and poor made a monastery a place for rest and lodging, there would be guest houses and an almonry close to the entrance gate.

Numerous fragments of carved work, belonging to the early part of the 13th century, have been found. They consist of foliage and sculpture equal to anything that was executed during the Gothic period, comprising bosses from the vaulted ceilings and carved capitals from the cloister buildings. Two mutilated effigies of knights of the 13th century are preserved in the church, and two large bosses from the vaulted roof; these represent the coronation of the blessed Virgin, and the Virgin with the infant Saviour. One small figure of a bishop, lying in the church, has long been a matter of curiosity. It is supposed from the inscription to have been placed over the burial place of the heart of John de Breton, Bishop of Hereford. One very interesting piece of stonework was found in an excavation lately made near the west end of the nave; it seems to have formed part of a shrine made in the 13th century, and when found was richly gilded. Many other beautiful bits of 13th century work are preserved in the garden at the rectory.

Towards the close of the 15th century, the ancient rule of the Cistercians against towers became relaxed, thus, at Fountains, Kirkstall, and Furness abbeys, towers were then built, and it is evident to me that the tower at Dore abbey is of that date, although it has always been said to be part of Lord Scudamore's work. Indeed, the consecration Deed, in which we might expect to find an authentic account of what was done, says that he furnished the church with "a chancel and seats, a belfry and bells." But it is abundantly clear that he did not build the chancel but only roofed it--that is in my judgment what he did to the tower, putting also in it two floors and the framing for the bells, all as set forth in John Abell's contract.

In 1236, Cadogan, Bishop of Bangor, resigned his see to become a monk of Dore. He was a scholar and author of a Book of Homilies called " a Looking Glass for Christians." In 1330, the abbot was Richard Straddel, no doubt a native of these parts, as the name occurs in two or three places near. He also was a writer of homilies, a branch of literature now little cultivated, I think. In 1380, Walter de Blasel, probably one of the monks, was presented by the Abbot and convent of Dore to the vicarage of Avenbury. The household expense book of Richard Swinfield, Bishop of Hereford, shows that he called at Dore, on the invitation of the Abbot, who is also recorded to have visited the Bishop. The Kings of England at different times employed the abbots of this secluded place on important embassies. In the eighth year of Edward III., the abbot was so sent to Philip, King of France, and again the next year. The abbots were also named in commissions to appease disorders on the Welsh border.

Dore abbey is specially mentioned as one which was always on good terms with the bishop-a somewhat rare and notable fact-and some proof of blameless conduct. Indeed the only piece of evidence which I have met with that tells against this monastery is, in another way, equally strong in its favour.

In the Harleian MSS. is a letter from the young Prince Arthur, the elder son of Henry VII., written about 1501, when he was a boy of 14, living on his manor of Bewdley. He writes as follows to the Bishop of Salisbury, introducing John, the abbot of Dore :

B. M. Harl., 6158, f. 151.

"By Prince Arthure To the Right Reverend father in God our Righte trustye and welbeloved the bysshop of Salisburye.

"Right reverende fadre in god, Right trusty and welbeloved we grete you. Well and where we be enformed and also understand that by meane of suche inordinate Rule and governance as hertofore hath byn used within the moastary of Dore and precyncts of the same in the dayes of Damp Richard, late Abbote there, as well by graunts and lettres patents passed thens ayenst due ordre ande forme as otherwise, by excessive costs for defaulte of good oversight the said monastery is gretly in ruyn and decay. Wherthrough without the more speedy reformation the Divine service ther cannote be mayntened ne upholden to the laude and prayse of almyghty god, as belongeth in that partie. Wherfore and inasmoche as Damp John, nowe Abbote ther of thordre of Cisteoux, admytted thether by the Reformation, and othrs fadres of that Religeon whiche by gods sufferannce and aide of vertuose and wel disposid people entendeth as he saithe to do for the weale, encrease ande Reducyng of the said place to the former good state and ordre as in hym is or shalbe possible. We desir and hertely pray you that in all suche his matiers and causes as he hath to pursue unto you at this tyme concernyng the premysses, ye wolbe his favorable good lorde accordyng to equitie and conscience. the rathar at this our instance and contemplation of theis our lettres wherby you shall not only in our opinion do a dede meritorioux anempst God but also unto us Right singuler Pleasure, ande over this that it may lyke you to gyve credence to the said nowe abbote in the causes above recyted whiche can declare unto you the circumstances of the same more at legnthe. Geven under our Signet at the manour of beaudeley the viii daye of June."

This was one of the mutterings which preceded the storm that was soon to break over the monastic orders. Thirty-three years afterwards, in 1534, all the smaller monasteries, those worth less than £200 per annum, were dissolved, and Dore abbey among them. The abbot, John Radburn, and eight monks went out to live on the scanty pensions allowed them. The abbey and its lands were granted to John Scudamore, one of whose descendants bought the great tithes that had belonged to the abbey.

The destruction of the abbey buildings began at once, and progressed as fast as the need for building materials arose in the neighbourhood. Of all the endowments that had existed for religious purposes there was left only one sum of fiftyeight shillings per annum, and before the church came to be restored, one John Gyles, [called "Sir Gyles "- —as was the habit in those days]-used to come and read prayers in the ruins, standing under an arch to keep his book from the wet. Such was the condition of things which was waiting amendment, and had to wait for just one hundred years. The story of the restoration of Dore abbey by John Viscount Scudamore belongs to another chapter of English history. The Reformation had been accomplished, the Puritans were getting the upper hand, literature and the arts were different in the minds and hands of the third generation of men. John Abell, the carpenter who put the new roofs upon the church, set about his work in a way that was then new, but is now old and forgotten.

I hope at some early opportunity to contribute to our Transactions that portion at least of the history of the restoration of Dore abbey.

The following list of Abbots is taken from Dugdale's Monasticon—

Adam the 1st.

Adam the 2nd, A.D. 1200.

Gothefridus, A.D. 1240.

Stephen de Wigorn, A.D. 1251.

Henry, A.D. 1263.

Hugh, elected A.D. 1293.

John, elected A.D. 1298.

Richard Straddel, elected A.D. 1330.

John, elected A.D. 1361.

Richard Rowcester, elected A.D. 1440.

Philip de Lluellin, elected A.D. 1478.

John Glynn, occurs 1523.

Thomas Clebury, died 1529.

John Radborn was the next, and last. He had a pension of £14 a year

granted to him at the dissolution

EFFECTS OF OCEAN CURRENTS

By Mr. JAMES RANKIN, M.P.

ON CLIMATE.

I WISH, this evening, in the very few remarks which I have to make, to put before you one leading idea, so that you may be able to carry away and remember the object and aim of this short paper; and the idea or point which I wish to impress upon you is this-That ocean currents are far more important agents in distributing the sun's heat over the surface of our globe than are the currents of air, or, as we call them, the winds.

To show this, I must ask your attention for a few minutes to some of the known facts connected with that most remarkable current called the Gulf Stream, and I take this current as an example because it is by far the best known.

I do not intend to discuss to-night the question of the dynamics of the Gulf Stream, but merely to institute a comparison between it and currents of air, with a view of testing which is the more important factor in the distribution of heat, and therefore the more important as an agent affecting the climate. The Gulf Stream, as is so well known, issues out of the Gulf of Mexico, round the Cape of Florida, as a current about 30 miles wide, 2,200 feet deep, and moving at the rate of 4 miles an hour, and its temperature is about 80° Fah.

Now it has been calculated that such a body of water carries with it into the Northern Atlantic Ocean an amount of heat equal to an energy of 77,479,650,000,000,000,000 foot pounds daily, or in other words a quantity equal to a quarter of all the heat of the sun poured upon that area. This amount of heat derived from the sun's tropical rays is equal to half the heat of the sun which falls upon the entire Arctic circle, or to an amount of heat dispersed over a belt of 32 miles wide on each side of the equator, or, on a surface of 1,560,935 square miles. This enormous amount of heat poured into the Atlantic, has the effect of carrying off the heat from the tropics, and distributing it over the temperate and polar regions, and its effect upon our island country is an elevation of temperature of 12° above the normal temperature of our latitude.

It must not, however, be supposed that 12° rise of temperature is the whole effect of the Gulf Stream upon the climate of our island, or of north-western Europe, or of the North Atlantic generally, but the 12° is only the rise above the mean or normal temperature of our latitude, for other places in the same latitude as we are have their temperature affected by ocean currents as well as we; and on the other side the effect of cold Polar currents has to be considered, for the heat of the warm Gulf Stream is to a great extent employed in counteracting the depression of temperature caused by the Polar currents.

I will endeavour, very briefly, to show the probable fall of temperature in the North Atlantic were there no Gulf Stream of hot water.

We have seen that the amount of heat carried by the Gulf Stream equals the heat of the tropical sun on a surface of 1,560,935 square miles, and as the amount