the most propitious season imaginable for Mr. Jefferson's credit, it cannot alter or destroy the great facts of his undefended capital, his hare-like retreat before Arnold, his distance from danger, his bashful demeanour towards his country's foes, and his virtual resignation under charges of impeachment. Though faith may remove mountains, neither "candour" nor "free will" can abolish facts like these.

To close this, the most characteristic scene in the drama of Mr. Jefferson's life:-There was a Mr. Gerardin, a French emigrant, engaged in Virginia as instructor of youth. He was, as I have heard, a man of amiable disposition and cultivated mind, studious and retired, and of remarkable simplicity of character. At one time he took up his residence in the neighbourhood of Monticello, and undertook to complete a very imperfect history of Virginia. As his task embraced the period of Mr. Jefferson's government, the latter kindly supplied him with a full set of materials, the chief of which were of course the journal and justification that have been just exposed. The effect of this liberality answered Mr. Jefferson's expectations. Mr. Gerardin, transformed from a wandering pedagogue into a modern Polybius, totally unacquainted with the body of our traditions, and relying devoutly on the interested statements of Mr. Jefferson himself, whom he looked up to as a great statesman, a great philosopher, a member of the French Academy, the friend of Volney and other savans, and the patron of all French theories and theorists, received his memoranda as Sybilline leaves, and all his hints as oracular responses. Of course he performed the part of a polygraph or press-copy, represented Mr. Jefferson as a pillar of state, as bearing on "Atlantean shoulders" the entire commonwealth during his governorship; and as overloaded only by the weight of praise contained in the equivocal resolution of the General Assembly.

The book, though feeble and of limited circulation, was received for gospel in Virginia, as the men who could contradict and disprove its statements, had long ceased to contend against the sway of Mr. Jefferson's name, and it stands now among the histories of the time, ready to forestall the opinions of posterity.*

In casting up the account then of the first period of Mr. Jefferson's public life, and striking a balance between the credit to which he is entitled, and the blame that he deserves, it appears from his own statement that unless we make his authorship of the uncor

It is thus recommended to the world by Mr. Jefferson, (Vol. I. p. 41.) "Being now, as it were, identified with the commonwealth itself" (by his election as governor) "to write my own history during the two years of my administration, would be to write the public history of that portion of the revolution within this State. This has been done by others, and particularly by Mr. Gerardin, who wrote his continuation of Burke's history of Virginia, while at Milton, in this neighbourhood, had free access to all my papers while composing it, and has given as faithful an account as I could myself."

rected draft of the declaration of independence, (which had no effect either on the act of independence itself or the success of the Revolution) with his legislative labours in Virginia, a complete offset against the calamity and disgrace of his governorship; it appears, I say, that unless we can come to this absurd conclusion, a delinquency on the score of public service stands fairly made out against him. And it may therefore be confidently affirmed that even his most partial admirers will be satisfied to make his deserts and demerits countervail each other, and will gladly agree to pronounce him, when the surrender of York took place, neither amenable to censure, nor entitled to applause.*

LETTER X.

GENERAL LEE, soon after the battle of Lexington, entered the army as Captain of Cavalry, at the age of nineteen. His father was preparing him by a course of education for the profession of the law, and he was just about embarking for England to pursue the study of it under the patronage of his relative, since known as Bishop Porteous, when the commencement of hostilities changed his destiny. Besides being present at other important actions, in the northern department, he was at the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, Monmouth, and Springfield; and soon became a favourite of Gen. Washington. In the difficult and critical operations in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, from 1777 to 1780 inclusive, he was always placed near the enemy, entrusted with the command of the outposts, with the superintendence of spies, and with that kind of service, which required in an eminent degree, the possession of coolness, address, and enterprise. During the occupation of Philadelphia by the royal forces, his activity and success in straitening their communications, in cutting off their light parties and intercepting their supplies,† drew on him the par

[* Mr. Tucker admits (Vol. I. p. 149) "That the depredations of the enemy" (by which it was estimated that Virginia lost property, during the six months which preceded the surrender of Cornwallis, to the amount of three millions sterling,) "produced the ordinary effect of complaint against those who had charge of the public defence, and especially against the governor." And at page 150 he candidly enumerates the charges brought against that functionary, and prudently declines to make any other defence against them than that furnished by Mr. Jefferson himself, and referred to in the text.]

+ Marshall, Vol. III. pp. 203, 325, and 27.

ticular attention of the enemy. And being attacked in consequence, his defence of the Spread Eagle Tavern, with only ten men, against Tarleton at the head of two hundred, which has been already alluded to, excited no little admiration.* When the distress of the army for provisions reduced Gen. Washington to the necessity of foraging for supplies, as if he had occupied the country of an enemy, a measure which, as may be supposed, excited the most injurious discontent among the inhabitants, Lee, being employed on it, had the address to execute this painful but necessary duty, without exciting the smallest disaffection.† He co-operated as far as cavalry could act, in Gen. Wayne's attack on Stony Point, and procured the intelligence on which it was projected.‡ Indeed, from a part of his correspondence with Gen. Washington which has been preserved, it seems not improbable that Major Lee suggested that brilliant enterprise. In a letter to the Commanderin-Chief, of the 21st of June, 1778, he observes,—

the

Sir,-Since my last, no movement has taken place among enemy encamped on this side the river. Two very intelligent deserters this morning from Stony Point, mention that yesterday a body of troops (number unknown) embarked from the east side of the river between the hours of twelve and two. They confirm the information contained in my last, concerning the 63d and 64th

* Marshall, Vol. III. p. 377. "As Captain Lee was extremely active, and always in the neighbourhood of the enemy, a plan was formed late in January, to surprise and capture both him and his troop in their quarters. A very extensive circuit was made by a large body of cavalry, and four of his patrols were seized without communicating the alarm. About break of day, the enemy appeared, and the few men of the troop who were in the house with their captain were immediately posted at the doors and windows. Though his party was so small as not to furnish one to each window, they behaved so gallantly as to drive off the assailants without losing a horse or more than one person. Their quarter-master-sergeant, who was out of the house when the attack commenced, after being almost cut to pieces, was taken prisoner. The whole number in the house did not exceed ten. That of the enemy was said to amount to two hundred. They lost a sergeant and three men, with several horses killed; and an officer and three men wounded. On the part of Captain Lee, except his patrols and quarter-master-sergeant who were captured out of the house, only Lieutenant Lindsay and one private were wounded. The event of this skirmish gave great pleasure to the Commander-in-Chief. Throughout the late campaign, Lee had been eminently useful to him, and had given proofs of talents as a partisan, from which he had formed sanguine expectations for the future. He mentioned this affair in his orders with strong marks of approbation, and in a private letter to the Captain, testified the satisfaction he felt at the honourable escape that officer had made from a stratagem which had so seriously threatened him. For his merit through the preceding campaign, Congress promoted him to the rank of Major, and gave him an independent partisan corps to consist of two troops of horse, and by a subsequent resolution, another troop was added to this corps."

† Marshall, Vol. III. p. 372. "Captain Lee found large droves in the marsh meadows on the Delaware preparing for Philadelphia, which he had the address to procure, without giving to the body of the people any additional irri

tation."

+ Marshall, Vol. IV. p. 73.

regiments being about to move from Stony Point. They also say, that two days since, the sick and the aged soldiers, the women with children, and the baggage belonging to both officers and soldiers were put on board for New York. The following is not a very accurate state of their naval force at King's-Ferry:One 50 Gun Ship-the Rainbow.

Armed Sloops and Schooners.
Floating Batteries.

Gunboats.

Bomb Ketches.
Row Gallies.

Transports and Victuallers.

Numbers not ascertained.

Their chief work on Stony Point is a triangular fort, on the summit of the eminence, exceedingly strong, and doubly abattied. On every spot in their camp which admits of it, they have erected batteries. They talk also of opening a canal and forming drawbridges. They have in their several works, 7 twenty-fours, 2 medium twelves, 2 long twelves, and 2 threes, all brass. They also have one howitzer and two mortars, and 6 iron sixes not mounted. Gen. Clinton is not yet returned from New York-Gen. Vaughan commands in chief-Col. Johnston of the 17th, commands at Stony Point. It is reported in their camp that Lord Cornwallis has arrived at the Hook with a reinforcement, under convoy of Admiral Arbuthnot. They do not credit the news from the Southward. I begin to apprehend that Gen. Clinton has designs upon the East river. He certainly means to draw off all the troops but a sufficient garrison to possess the ferry. This he keeps to distress us in the conveyance of support to our troops, should your excellency follow him to the eastward as expected. Your excellency will pardon me for the intrusion of my opinion. It proceeds only from a desire to exhibit every probable object that may engage the enemy's attention. Many deserters get in from your excellency's army. The manner of sending scouts by detail from divisions, affords them good opportunity. A detachment seldom comes down without losing several of its men before they return. There can be no object in the reach of these parties adequate to their certain loss. Good intelligence cannot be obtained by flying parties. The enemy continue so close within their lines that there can be no hopes of meeting with marauders, and protecting the people from their depredations. Picquets of armies stationary and under cover of works cannot be easily carried. Officers in command anxious to perform some service, are apt to engage in improbable attempts. Accidents happen and soldiers are lost without venture of service. I lay these observations before your excellency because they originate from what I see and know.

I am,
&c. &c.

H. LEE, JR.

In the course of this severe campaign when desertions from the American army became so frequent as to threaten its dissolution, Major Lee was authorized by Gen. Washington to inflict summary punishment on such deserters as he should take flagrante delicto. Being in command of the outposts and always close to the enemy, these offenders often fell into his hands. He commenced accordingly by hanging one of a party, and to strike a wholesome terror into the main army sent the lopped and bleeding head to Gen. Washington's camp. This last proceeding was not altogether approved by the Commander-in-Chief, though, contrary to his apprehensions, it is known to have produced a most salutary effect. In relation to it he wrote to Major Lee the following note

"Head Quarters, New Windsor, 10th July, 1779.

"Sir, I have this moment received your letter of the 9th. I wish mine of the same date had got to hand before the transaction you mention had taken place. I fear it will have a bad effect both in the army and in the country. I would by no means have you to carry into execution your plan of diversifying the punishment, or in any way to exceed the spirit of my instructions yesterday. And even the measure I have authorized ought to be practised with great caution. I am, Sir, &c. &c.

"GEO. WASHINGTON."

P. S. You will send and have the body buried lest it fall into the enemy's hands.

MAJOR H. LEE,

L. D.

The orders he received and the reports he transmitted during the campaigns of 1779 and 80, were daily, and show that Gen. Washington relied on him peculiarly for intelligence respecting the enemy's force and movements. It appears, in short, that at this early period he had so completely engaged the confidence of that great Commander, that in an official letter of the 7th of October, 1779, he was directed in future to mark his communications with the word private, so that they should not be examined even by the officers of the General's military family.

When compassion for the impending fate of Major André induced Gen. Washington in the hope of averting it, to make extraordinary exertions to capture Arnold, he consulted Lee-who planned the scheme, and selected the agent for that purpose, which are both so graphically described in his Memoirs.* He projected and executed the surprise of Powles Hook, a service for which the thanks of Congress with an emblematical medal of gold were voted

* See the letters of Gen. Washington on this subject published in Lee's Me moirs.