those countries which have already fubmitted their necks to the yoke? Weare now come to the Rubicon; our army is now to be reduced, or it never will; from his Majesty's own mouth we are affured of a profound tranquillity abroad, we know there is one at home: if this is not a proper time, if these circumstances do not afford us a safe opportunity for reducing at least a part of our regular forces, we never can expect to fee any reduction; and this nation, already overburdened with debts and taxes, must be loaded with the heavy charge of perpetually supporting a numerous standing army, and remain for ever exposed to the danger of having its liberties and privileges trampled upon by any future King or Ministry, who shall take it in their heads to do fo, ard shall take a proper care to model the army for that purpose. CHAP. IX. SIR JOHN ST. AUBIN'S SPEECH FOR REPEAL. ING THE SEPTENNIAL ACT. MR. SPEAKER, THE subject matter of this debate is of such importance, that I should be ashamed to return to my electors, without endeavouring, in the best manner I am able, to declare publicly the reasons which induced me to give my most ready affent to this question. THE people have an unquestionable right to frequent new parliaments by ancient usage; and this usage has been confirmed by several laws, which have been progreffively made by our ancestors, as often as they found it neceffary to infift on this essential privilege. PARLIAMENTS were generally annual, but never continued longer than three years, till the remarkable reign of Henry VIII. He, Sir, was a prince of unruly appetites, and of an arbitrary will; he was impatient of every restraint; the laws of God and man fell equally a facrifice, as as they stood in the way of his avarice, or disappointed his ambition; the therefore introduced long Parliaments, because he very well knew, that they would become the proper instruments of both; and what a flavish obedience they paid to all his measures is fufficiently known. If we come to the reign of King Charles the Firft, we muft acknowledge him to be a prince of a contrary temper; be bad certainly an innate love for religion and virtue. But here lay the misfortune -- he was led from his natural difpofition by fycophants and flatterers; they advised him to neglect the calling of frequent new Parliaments; and therefore, by not taking the conftant sense of his people in what he did, he was worked up into so high a notion of prerogative, that the Commons (in order to restrain it) obtained that independent fatal power, which at last unhappily brought him to his most tragical end, and at the fame time fubverted the whole constitution. And I hope we shall learn this lesson from it, never to compliment the crown with any new or extravagant powers, nor to deny the people those rights, which by ancient usage they are entitled to; but to preserve the just and equal balance, from which they will both derive mutual security, and which, if duly observed, will render our constitution the envy and admiration of all the world. KING CHARLES the Second naturally took a furfeit of Parliaments in his father's time, and was therefore extremely defirous to lay them afide. But this was a scheme impracticable. However, in effect he did fo; for he obtained a Parliament, which by its long duration, Like an army of veterans, became so exactly disciplined to his own meafures, that they knew no other command but from that person who gave them their pay. THIS was a safe and most ingenious way of enslaving a nation. It was very well known, that arbitrary power, if it was open and avowed, would never prevail here. The people people were therefore araused with the specious form of their ancient constitution: it existed, indeed, in their fancy; but, like a mere phantom, had no fubstance nor reality in it; for the power, the authority, the dignity, of Parliaments were wholly lost. This was that remarkable Parliament which fo justly obtained the opprobrious name of the PENSION PARLIAMENT; and was the model, from which, I believe, some later Parliaments have been exactly copied. At the time of the Revolution, the people made a fresh claim of their ancient privileges; and as they had fo lately experienced the misfortune of long and fervile Parliaments, it was then declared, that they should be held frequently. But it feems, their full meaning was not understood by this declaration: and therefore, as in every new fettlement the intention of all parties should be specifically manifested, the Parliament never ceased struggling with the crown, till the triennial law was obtained: the preamble of it is extremely full and strong; and in the body of the bill you will find the word declared before enacted, by which I apprehend, that though this law did not immediately take place at the time of the Revolution, it was certainly intended as declaratory of their first meaning, and therefore ftands a part of that original contract under which the constitution was then settled. His Majesty's title to the crown is primarily derived from that contract; and if, upon a review, there shall appear to be any deviations from it, we ought to treat them as fo many injuries done to that title. And I dare say, that this House, which has gone through fo long a series of services to his Majesty, will at laft be willing to revert to those original stated measures of government, to renew and strengthen that title. Bur, Sir, I think the manner in which the septennial law was first introduced, is a very strong reason why it should be repealed. People, in their fears, have very often re course to defperate expedients, which, if not cancelled in season, season, will themselves prove fatal to that constitution, which they were meant to secure. Such is the nature of the septennial law; it was intended only as a preservative againft a, temporary inconvenience': the inconvenience is removed, but the mischievous effects still continue; for it not only altered the constitution of Parliaments, but it extended that same Parliament beyond its natural duration : and therefore carries this most unjust implication with it, that you may at any time ufurp the most indubitable, the most effential privilege of the people-I mean that of chcofing their own representatives. A precedent of fuch a dangerous consequence, of so fatal a tendency, that I think it would be a reproach to our statute book, if that law were any longer to subsist, which might record it to pofterity. THIS is a feason of, virtue and public spirit. Let us take advantage of it to repeal those laws which infringe our liberties, and introduce fuch as may restore the vigour of our ancient conftitution. HUMAN nature is so very corrupt, that all obligations lose their force, unless they are frequently renewed Long Parliaments become therefore independent of the people; and when they do fo, there always happens a moft dangerous dependence elsewhere. LONG Parliaments give the minifter an opportunity of getting acquaintance with members, of practifing his feveral arts to win them into his fchemes. This must be the work of time. Corruption is of fo base a nature, that at first fight it is extremely shocking, Hardly any one has fubmitted to it all at once. His difpofition muft be previoufly understood, the particular bait must be found. out with which he is to be allured, and after all, it is nos without many ftruggles that he surrenders his virtue.Indeed, there are fome, who will at once plunge themfelves into any base action; but the generality of mankind are of a more cautious nature, and will proceed only by leifurely leifurely degrees. - One or two perhaps have deserted their colours the first campaign, some have done it a second.But a great many, who have not that eager disposition to vice, will wait till a third. For this reason, short Parliaments have been less corrupt than long ones; they are observed, like streams of water, always to grow more impure the greater distance they run from the fountain-head. I am aware, it may be faid, that frequent new Parliaments will produce frequent new, expenfes, but I think quite the contrary; I am really of an opinion, that it will be a proper remedy against the evil of bribery at elections, especially as you have provided so wholesome a law to cooperate upon these occafions. BRIBERY at elections, whence did it arife? Not from country gentlemen, for they are fure of being chosen without it; it was, Sir, the invention of wicked and corrupt ministers, who have, from time to time, led weak princes into such destructive measures, that they did not dare to rely upon the natural representation of the people. Long Parliaments, Sir, first introduced bribery, because they were worth purchasing at any rate: Country gentlemen, who have only their private fortunes to rely upon, and have no mercenary ends to serve, are unable to oppose it, especially if at any time the public treafure shall be unfaithfully squandered away to corrupt their boroughs. Country gentlemen, indeed, may make some weak efforts; but as they generally prove unsuccessful, and the time of a fresh struggle is at so great a distance, they at last grow faint in the difpute, give up their country for loft, and retire in despair. - Despair naturally produces indolence, and that is the proper disposition for flavery. Minifters of state understand this very well, and are therefore unwilling to awaken the nation out of its lethargy by frequent elections. They know that the spirit of liberty, like every 1 |