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decision in his favour restored tranquility, and the proceedings of the institution experienced no further embarrassment.

It is with pleasure we notice the liberality with which he has in almost every instance, encouraged undertakings that promised beneficial consequence to the community. The share which he had in the African association, very much contributed to the success of that laudable establishment. To his generous patronage we are indebted for the discoveries made by Ledyard, Houghton and Lucas, in their respective journies; and, if we mistake not, it was in consequence of his sanction that the ingenious and enterprising Mr. Mungo Park, was sent to explore the interior regions of Africa. In the introduction of the bread fruit tree into our West India islands, he was also particularly instrumental, and for several improvements in our national agriculture we are indebted to his care.

Even in the publication of works in which he had no share, he has not hesitated to incur a considerable part of the expence. The Indian Zoology, which appeared in 1769, was printed and engraved at the equal expence of Sir Joseph Banks, Mr. Pennant and Mr. Loten, a Dutch gentleman, from whose collection it was principally formed.

His collection of specimens and library of natural history are not inferior, in point of utility and curiosity, to those of any crowned head in Europe, and they are at all times open to the gratification of men of science of all ranks and from all parts. The conversations which take place every Sunday evening at his house during the meeting of parliament, and the ordinary sittings of the Royal Society, are rendered uncommonly interesting by the universality of talent which adorns the assembly, and the variety of curious and useful topics which are discussed. The catalogue of his books relative to Natural History, occupies alone no less than four octavo volumes.

Sir Joseph was created a baronet on the 24th of March 1781, and decorated with the honours of the order of the Bath, in 1795. He is also a member of the Privy Council, at which he frequently assists.

In private life, his conduct is irreproachable, and his manners are distinguished for true politeness. He has had, we understand, the rare happiness of retaining throughout life, the attachment of those whom he most esteems and loves.

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COMPARISON, BETWEEN

VOLTAIRE AND RACINE.

A LITERARY dispute has arisen at Paris, in which the wri

ters on each side have already manifested as much animosity as was formerly exercised on the question, who had the superior musical genius, Gluck or Piccini."

Laharpe, who in his Lectures has placed Voltaire in the same rank with Racine as a tragic poet, is the author of this contest. Geoffroi has put himself at the head of the admirers of Racine, to avenge the insult offered to the idol of French poetry. Fontanes has stepped forward to maintain the opinion of Laharpe, his friend and master, who has already destined him to be his successor, in case of his decease before he has brought the important work (his course of lectures) in which he is engaged, to a conclusion. Roederer, a counsellor of state, a principal leader in the Revolution, and a staunch Voltairian, has attempted to ridicule both the critics in his daily paper, the Paris Journal; Geoffroi has retorted with spirit, and the literary sharp-shooters have inlisted according to their opinions under the banners of the different chiefs. The following are some of the many arguments with which each party maintains its cause. It should be remarked, that the reputation of Voltaire is only defended by his merit as a poet; as a philosopher, (in which character he was so ambitious to be handed down to posterity) he is scouted by his adversaries, and entirely given up by his friends. That system of treachery and immorality of which he was the parent, which was miscalled philosophy, has not at this day an avowed supporter in all France.

While the partisans of Voltaire represent him as superior to Corneille in elegance, precision, and taste, and to Racine in energy and dramatic effect, Geoffroi thus sustains the pre-eminence of the "god of his idolatry." His defence of Corneille is limited to the following observation:-" As to Corneille, I am persuaded that the acknowledged reputation and sacred respect which surrounds the father of the stage will effectually protect him against the attacks of those rash and puny critics, who assail him with no more effect than the inhabitants of Lilliput did the Man Mountain.” In his parallel between Racine and Voltaire, they are contrasted as tragic poets in the three great points of excellence of plot, truth of character, and perfection of style. He commences it with a history of their respective plays.

"Racine and Voltaire began their dramatic career at nearly the same age; but Voltaire's first attempt was much superior to that of Racine, though they both took their fables from Grecian history, and drew from the best models. The Edipus of Voltaire ranks much above the Rival Brothers of Racine even in point of style.

This superiority may be thus accounted for. Voltaire made a more liberal use of Sophocles than Racine did of Euripides, and

he

he had the advantage of writing at a time when the language became fixed, and had been enriched by the works of some of the first masters.

The next production of Voltaire was not so successful. The genius of Sophocles supported him in his first flight; when he confided in his own wings he fell to the ground. His play of Artemire was deservedly hissed; and tho' considerably improved, and again produced under another title, (Marianne,) it had still no better success. Racine's second play, entitled Alexander, gave promise of his future greatness. The diction had much of splendor and harmony, and was not deficient in either energy or elegance. But what a difference between that and his following play of Andromache, the Distrest Mother! It constitutes an epoch in the history of the human mind. By this work Racine, at the age of twenty-eight, was placed in the first rank of tragic poets.

Voltaire, after his play of Artemire, or Marianne, was damned, travelled to England for the same reason that the natives of that country then made the tour of France-to dissipate his chagrin. This journey was of great advantage to him. He studied the language, and found in the genius of the English poets something to supply his own deficiency. There he composed his play of Brutus, which obtained a temporary success, but was soon abandoned, as being declamatory, without interest, and cold and disgusting in the plot. The idea of his play of Eriphile, damned under that name, and afterwards produced under the title of Semiramis, was taken from Shakspeare's Hamlet. It was in this play that the character of a ghost was first offered to the view of a French audience. Voltaire was then thirty-eight years old, and had figured as an author for fourteen years. During that time he produced five tragedies, three of which were damned, one had but a temporary success. He was only fortunate in his first effort. Surely he cannot be said to have advanced towards the temple of fame with a giant's pace. But I shall not pursue the history of his plays any farther. It is time for me to establish the basis on which the comparison between this poet and Racine is to rest.

The plots of Voltaire are cast at random; those of Racine are combined with profound judgment. In this gift of invention, an essential characteristic of genius, Voltaire was absolutely deficient. His Zara, so much extolled, is in fact an extravagant romance, where common sense is perpetually violated; it is by means of the most absurd suppositions that he introduces, those glaring situ ations which dazzle the multitude. Strip Alzira of the imposing contrast between Europeans and savages, and what is it but a trivial story. In his Mahomet there are radical defects: he appears to sink under the magnitude of his subject. In this piece all the genius of the principal character terminates in persuading a son to assassinate his father, and to little purpose too. This nder renders him so odious, that he has occasion for a miracle to escape the consequences of it. The miracle, as introduced, is both puerile and absurd. In short, Mahomet falling in love with

a young

a young girl, who mocks and scorns him, is little better than an old dotard in a comedy.-Merope is his most rational play, and for the plot of that he is indebted to Maffei.

The dialogue of Racine is of admirable propriety, and his characters continually express themselves in terms analogous to their situations. Their language is always consistent with truth and nature. On the other hand, it is Voltaire who perpetually speaks through the mouths of his dramatis persona: they are all, down to the lowest female attendant, so many philosophers retailing their apothegms. Zara harangues on education; Alzira and Merope declaim on suicide; and Jocasta has a fling at the priesthood. The characters of Racine are consonant to history or fable, and consistent from beginning to end. Their grandeur is neither extravagant nor distorted. The characters of Voltaire are invariably unnatural. You see at one time a sultan with all the politeness of a French courtier; now frank and generous to a fault, and again dissembling even to perfidy. A haughty and jealous Spaniard listens calmly to the insults of his rival; and on his death-bed, bestows the hand of his wife on his assassin. Mahomet, with no necessity for it, humiliates himself before Omar, makes the most degrading confessions, and suffers himself to be out-braved by a child whom he is foolishly in love with. Merope is at one instant all goodness and sensibility, and the next she appears as a fell and sanguinary monster. There are as many inconsistencies and irregularities in his fictitious characters, as there were in the au thor's life and behaviour.

But if we compare their style, what an enormous difference. Racine always elegant and poetic. One half of Voltaire's lines are little better than prose run mad. The former possesses energy and precision; the latter is diffuse and relaxed. The fertile and brilliant imagination of Racine struck out new turns of expression, happy combinations of words, and bold and unusual figures of speech, but so properly applied, that they seem to have been inspired by nature herself.

Voltaire, it must be admitted, sometimes surprises by an ap pearance of boldness when there is really nothing exhibited but what is common and ordinary. He imposes on the reader by high sounding words and pompous sentences, and by a kind of tinsel which only dazzles at first sight. His versification is not unlike that of Lucan and Claudian-it has show and glitter, but at the same time it is monotonous.

Racine will always be the favourite poet of all those who possess judgment, taste, and feeling. The admirers of Voltaire will be found among the fair sex, among heedless youth, and the herd of spectators who never reflect on their pleasures or sensations. He shines on the stage, and falls into eclipse in the closet. Racine. will bear cool and critical examination: his plays supply matter for reflection, and the mine is inexhaustible."

CONDITION

CONDITION OF THE JEWS AT ROME,

UNDER THE PONTIFICATE OF PIUS VI.

THE Jews were, perhaps, the only persons who had reason

to complain of the severity, not to say of the cruelty, of the Roman government. Fanaticism, by turns ferocious and absurd, had dictated the laws beneath which they groaned, and which had acquired an increase of rigour under the pontificate of Pius VI. As long ago as the year 1775, the pontiff, persuaded that the laws of humanity were not made for infidels, had issued against them the most barbarous edict. Confined within their infectious quar ter, the Ghetto, they could only shew themselves in the rest of the city by day, and were bound to return to their prison at sun-set, under pain of death. If they wished to go into the country for a few days, to breathe a purer air, they were obliged to solicit a particular permission. They were forbid, under the penalty of the gallies, to approach the convent of the Annonciada, or to be seen in any church, convent, or hospital, of Rome. All intercourse with Christians was forbidden them; and they incurred corporal punishment if they dared to keep a servant of that religion, A Christian could not admit them into his coach, nor even lend them one. It was only upon a journey they were allowed the use of a carriage. As a mark of reprobation, neither men nor women could go out without wearing some badge of a yellow colour. Their interment was attended with no funeral pomp; nor did any inscription designate their tomb, and recall them to the recollec tion of those to whom they had once been dear.

These laws were not rigorously observed. Several were grown obsolete; and others carried with them, in their very severity, a sure pledge of their non execution. But the stigma they affixed, to those against whom they were levelled, was indelible. They might be enforced at any time without a moment's warning: attempts were sometimes made to do so; and the Jews dragged on a miserable existence under the continual influence of terror. It was by dint of gold that some of them purchased momentary favours; such, for instance, as their enlargement from the infectious prison in which the rest of the sect was confined. Avarice, which at Rome neglected no means of gratification, sold to these unfortunate victims a few acts of toleration; and it was in the residence of him, who called himself the vicar of a merciful God, a God of charity, that these attacks were made upon human nature. Nor was this all. In a still more barbarous age, if it be possible, in the fifteenth century, the idea was conceived of assimilating the Jews to the brute creation, by making them run, during the carnival, for the diversion of the public, and in presence of the sovereign pontiff himself. There were at Rome Jew races, as there were horsefaces elsewhere. At length they were exempted from this servile abasement;

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