LITERATURE. MONTHLY REVIEW. Essays; Moral, Economical, and Political. By Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Albans, and High Chancellor of England, 12mo. Pages 270, 65. 6d. Jones, 1801. Of the merits of this writer, whose productions have been the ornament and admiration of the enlightened world for nearly two centuries, it is unnecessary to say much. "He had," as it is justly observed by one of our best critics, "the sound, distinct, comprehensive knowledge of Aristotle, with all the beautiful light graces and embellishments of Cicero." This elegant panegyric is particularly applicable to his Essays, which must be read with instruction and delight, in all ages and all countries, while true taste and sound learning continue to flourish. To the Essays are prefixed, a well written Sketch of the Author's Life, and some Epistles to his relations and friends. The text is correctly given throughout the whole of the work; and the celebrated Fragment of an Essay of Fame concludes the volume. We cannot too strongly recommend this elegant edition, which was a desideratum in the literary world, to the attention of the public. It is, in every respect, executed in a way worthy of the subject. Lexicographia-Neologica Gallica.-The Neological French Dictionary; containing Words of new Creation, not to be found in any French and English Vocabulary hitherto published; including those added to the Language by the Revolution and the Republic, which, by a Decree of the National Convention in 1795, now form the Supplement to the Fifth Edition of the French Academy's Dictionary, printed at Paris in 1798; with the new System of Weights, Measures, and Coins. The whole forming a Remembrancer of the French Revolution, as comprising a short History of it, and a View of the Republic, with Anecdotes, &c. &c. By William Dupré, 8vo. 75. 6d. Clement. 1801. Among the effects produced by the French Revolution, few are more remarkable, and at the same time less harmless, than the change which has taken place in the language of the country, by the coinage of new terms, and the currency of old ones in a different sense from their ancient and general acceptation. The present vocabulary is most judiciously adapted to explain this phenomenon, for such it may be called, when we consider that the French language has, in the course of ten years, been augmented by a multitude of words beyond example in the nomen clature of all other nations, whether ancient or modern, and that VOL. 2. NO 10. L L it it has ever been pronounced, by the best judges, incapable of such an increase. It contains nearly a thousand words, with the whole of the Supplement to the late edition of the French Academy's Dictionary; and particular attention has been given to the selec tion and definition of those terms which are characteristic of the several epochas of the revolution. The anecdotes are of the most interesting nature, and the whole presents a faithful but short view of the vicissitudes of the republic in politics, manners, and arts. We cannot agree with the author, that his work may be esteemed of little use to those who are intimately acquainted with French literature. To them we think it will not prove less use ful than to persons who, from choice or necessity, may apply themselves to the study of the language in its new state. A few instances will shew the ability with which the author has treated a subject that required much labour and precision. He gives the following explanation of the term Requisition :— "This word, heretofore used in law proceedings to imply the demands of justice, has now obtained new acceptations of great latitude. "Accordingly, it is at present employed to signify a right of actual seizure, or embargo, to which the republic lays claim in all cases of emergency and necessity, upon whatever is wanted for the support of the common weal; as likewise a right to require citizens to devote their lives for the service of the republic; and in general, to call for whatever may be judged necessary to supply and furnish out the armies of the republic. "The recruits wanted to fill up the armies, and to march against the enemies of the French nation, have been divided into three classes, called the first, second, and third requisitions; which were, in the beginning, made with much ceremony and shew, now in a great measure, if not wholly, laid aside: these enrolments being at present not so cheerfully engaged in. The following passages shew the application of this word: "(Mettre les citoyens en réquisition-To put citizens in requisition. Mettre en réquisition les richesses de la nation-To put the wealth of the nation in requisition, Mettre en réquisition la recolte, les vivres et denrées pour l'approvisionnement des armées, les cuirs pour la chaussure du soldat-To put in requisition the produce of the harvest, provisions for the supply of the army, and leather for shoes for the soldiers. Mettre en réquisition les bâteaux-To put the boats in requisition.) "It is likewise used figuratively. (Tous les élémens de la nature, les saisons et le temps sont mis en réquisition pour délivrer la patrie du joug de la tyrannie.-The very elements, times and seasons, are put in requisition, to deliver the country from the yoke of tyranny. Tous les talens, tous les cœurs sont mis en réquisition.-All hearts, and genius itself is put in requisition.)" The meaning of Sans-Culotte is thus given: "One who is without breeches, a nick-name given at the beginning of the revolution to the poorer partisans of it. According to the picture of Paris, drawn by the hand of Mercier, and taken long before the æra of the revolution, the inhabitants of the suburbs of Paris were literally breechless and ashamed; however, since that time, they, as well as others who were better accommodated, so far from being ashamed, have been proud of the name of sans-culottes. "This title of sans-culotte, which was at first conferred by way of ridicule, was afterwards taken up seriously, and became honourable in the estimation of the republicans, the anti-royal party choosing to be distinguished by it. "The aristocratic party, on their first assembling as statesgeneral, having assumed the habit and ceremonials in use in 1614, were styled les seize-cent-quatorzes (the sixteen hundred and fourteeners;) and these again, remarking the frequent insurrections of the mob of inhabitants of the parishes of St. Anthony and St. Marceau, who were the least respectable in point of dress and appearance of all Paris, gave them the name of sans-culottes; and this epithet, intended to raise a laugh in the politer circles, was seriously adopted by the duke of Orleans and his adherents, and became the distinguishing name of the popular party. "When the representatives of the second assembly, or national convention, appeared at Paris in 1792, many of the deputies from the provinces, having the air and dress of poor illiterate rustics, became objects of derision to the richer and more polished Parisians; and even the mob of Paris made a scoff of their country garb and manners, attaching to them the title of sansculottes insomuch, that, at the very doors of the hall of the assembly, lists were hawked about of the deputies, with their departments and residence at Paris, under the title: Députés sansculottes." This account is accompanied by the different acceptations în which the epithet has been received during the progress of the revolution, and by a very singular anecdote, the authenticity of which is not doubted. A ludicrous instance of the confusion produced by the new Metrologie, or the republican system of weights and measures, will, we think, contribute to the amusement of our readers: "A female citizen had bargained for an ell of cloth, but on bringing it home, and measuring it by her own ell, she found her measure short, and went to the shopkeeper, who, having given her the measure of a metre, refused to take it back, or make her any allowance for the difference. Upon which she applied to the citizen judge of the peace, whose name was Delorme, for redress, when the following dialogue took place: | DELORME (furieux.) Finissez, enfin. Vous parlez de mètres. Allez, allez, allez; vous avez encore des Dimanches, des semaines, des mois | d'Avril, des aunes et des Messieurs. Retirez-vous; vous êtes une aristocrate! THE WOMAN. I beg your pardon, Citizen! Last Sunday... DELORME. What do you mean by Sunday? We have no Sundays now THE WOMAN. Well, well! the quintidi of the week. DELORME (hastily.) This is past bearing. I know nothing of weeks. THE WOMAN. But, Monsieur.. Citizen I should say; I mean the decade of the month of April. DELORME (in a passion.) THE WOMAN. Floréal, I should say. I bought an ell.... DELORME (in a violent rage.) I'll hear no more. You are talking of metres. Be gone about your business. You still keep your Sundays, your weeks, your months of April, your ells, and your Monsieurs. Away with you; you are an aristocrat! "The poor female citizen, much confused on having made so many unfortunate blunders, quitted the presence of the judge, and was fain to put up with the loss she had sustained." A catalogue of the authorities used in forming the collection of new words is given, and a correct index is added to the work. The author seems, without reason, to entertain some doubts of the success of his vocabulary, which, in the present moment, when the communication between the two countries is on the point of being thrown open, and there is a strong probability that their commercial intercourse will be greater than in any former period, cannot be too highly appreciated. Outlines of a Philosophy of the History of Man; translated from the German of John Godfrey Herder, by T. Churchill, 4to. Pages 632. Johnson. 1800. The philosophical disquisitions of Herder, designed and pursued for the amelioration of mankind, have, for upwards of twenty years, been held in high estimation in Germany. His reputation was was chiefly established by a tract which appeared in 1774, called "Another Philosophy of History for the Improvement of Mankind." In that he evinced great erudition, with a profound knowledge of the various subjects of his investigation, and the success which it experienced, induced him, by extending his enquiries. upon a more enlarged plan, to complete the present work. The undertaking was certainly very arduous in the universality of knowledge, the profoundness of research, the acuteness of reasoning, and the perspicuity of arrangement which it required. It was published ten years subsequent to the tract which we have mentioned, and exhibits, with many original views of society, in its elementary and improved state, a thorough knowledge of all the authors who had preceded him in the same line. He proposes to consider questions of the first importance;-What is human happiness?-How far does it exist in this world? Calculating the great difference of all the beings upon earth, and especially of man, how far is to be found in every form of government, in every climate, in every change of circumstances, of age, and of times? Is there any standard of these various states? and has Providence reckoned upon the well-being of her creatures, in all these situations, as upon her ultimate and grand object? It, no doubt, naturally occurred to him, that as every thing in the world has its philosophy and science, there ought also to exist a philosophy and science of what most nearly concerns us, the history of mankind at large. That such an opinion is just, clearly appears from the study of metaphysics, morals, physics, natural history, and more particularly of religion, In order to accompany our author with intelligence through his pursuits, it is necessary to premise, that in employing the word nature, he means God in all his works; or, as he strongly expresses himself, "that Almighty power, goodness, and wisdom, for whom no language on earth can find an expression." He also expects, that in speaking of the organic powers of the creation, they shall not be considered as occult qualities, since their operations are apparent. We are prevented, by the nature of our publication, from entering into any thing like a detailed review of so vast a work, and must content ourselves with a very slight notice of it. A few extracts will, however, shew the depth of Herder's reasoning, as well as the energy of his sentiments, and the peculiarity of his diction, which abound in "Thoughts that breathe and words that burn." He combats, in a triumphant strain, the systems of those philoso phers who have classed man with the beasts of prey, and deemed his natural state a state of warfare. Nature, he maintains, has invented means to satisfy and restrain him as much as possible, and to prevent general warfare among mankind. These means are, 1. As |