ART. XII. Lyric Poems, devotional and moral. By Thomas Scott. 8vo. 3 s. 6d. Buckland. 1773. WE 7E have frequently commended the poetical and critical productions of this ingenious Writer:-fee' particularly our accounts of his verfion of the Table of Cebes, Review, vol. xi. p. 502; and of his Tranflation of Job, with Remarks, &c. Rev. vol. xlvi. p. 374, &c. Of the present publication, which contains a poetical fyftem of piety and morals,' we have the following account, in the Author's preface: The work opens with natural religion. Thence it proceeds to the miffion of Jefus Chrift, his fufferings, his exaltation, and the propagation of his doctrine. Next is the call to repentance, the nature and bleffedness of a Chriftian life, and the entrance into it. These topics are fucceeded by the various branches of devotion: after which are ranked the moral duties perfonal and focial, the happy end of a fincere Chriftian, and the coming of Jefus Chrift to finish his mediatorial kingdom by the general judgment. The whole is closed with a defcription of the illuftrious times, when, by means of the everlasting gospel, the earth fhall be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the fea. The novelty of fuch a plan, in verfe, will, perhaps, be a recommendation of it: if, however, verfe be thought too light and fuperficial for religious inftruction, let the royal pfalmift ftand forth and wipe off the reproach. That thefe poems might not pall the ear, variety of metre was adopted and that they might fatisfy the underftanding, great care has been employed to deduce the fentiments from scripture, reason, or experience. The fcripture fentiments are marked with reference letters; and the correfponding texts appear in the bottom margin.' The following fhort specimen will reflect no difgrace on our mifcellany: PROBITY; or, Integrity towards Man, As the limpid fream, which flows All its fhining treasure shows, So the honeft heart is feen, Truth with undeluding tongue, Thoughts which never mean a wrong? Feels not friendship's warm defire? In that ever trusty breast, 1 with confidence repose, All my triumphs, all my woes. Is for men of truth renown'd ? Seeks his brother to deceive; God of truth, the lying phrafe, We have not selected the foregoing piece, as one of the best, or the worst, in the book, It is taken, we might almost say, at random; and will be found, we apprehend, to be a very honeft fpecimen. The poems are one hundred and four in number; and they all manifest the ardent piety and laudable zeal of the Writer. With respect to the merit of Mr. Scott's poetry, after the various fpecimens which we have given of his productions, on this and former occafions, it would be impertinent in criticifm to interfere between the Author and his difcerning Readers. ART. XIII. The Justice and Utility of Penal Laws for the Direzion of Confcience, examined; in Reference to the Diffenters late Application to Parliament: Addreffed to a Member of the Houfe of Commons. 8vo. 2 s. Dilly. 1774. A French hiftorian has recorded a fhort ftory of Chilperic King of France, which is very pertinently recited by the Writer of this pamphlet, in the following manner: When a certain Jew could not be perfuaded to receive the Chriftian faith, Chilperic ordered him into cuftody, that fince he could not make him believe with a willing mind, he might at least force him to believe against his will.' Such a fact may ferve with the plain and unbiaffed mind, instead of an hundred arguments, against every kind of perfecution. The palpable abfurdity as well as iniquity of the attempt muft furely ftrike every reader. It is, on Dr. Beattie's principle, an appeal to common fenfe, which, if not perplexed and overawed by prejudice, chicanery, and bigotry, will immediately declare itself in favour of humanity and liberty. • Gregor. Turonenfis, lib. vi. fect. 17. Our Our Readers will fuppofe that the Author of the work before us is averfe to penal laws in matters of confcience. He most certainly is fo; except in the cafe of Papists, fome of whofe principles have been proved by fact to be deftructive of the peace and order of fociety, and therefore they appear neceffarily to require fome kind of reftraint from the civil magiftrate. The book is divided into feveral fections, in which it is fhewn that penal laws for the direction of confcience in matters of religion. are inconfiftent with the natural and perfonal rights of men, with the nature of moral obligation, with the common principles of virtuous fociety, and the mutual rights of its members; that they are contrary to the very end and defign of all just government, and to the real intereft of every commonwealth are inconfiftent with the defign of all punishment whatever, and with the nature and defign of the gospel: from all which it is inferred, in the feventh fection, that no human laws can ever fet afide our obligations to God and our own confciences. h; In the introductory addrefs to this treatise we are told, as a reafon for its publication, that, among the many modern performances in favour of religious toleration, this Writer has feen nothing on a general and equal plan; each author, he says, confults only the advantage and protection of his own particular fect or party, without providing any relief for those who cannot obtain fhelter under his own favourite fcheme.' If this reflection be juft, it is difhonourable to our advocates for religious freedom; if it is unjuft, the difgrace retorts on the prefent Author. His cenfure may however arife from a mistaken view of the designs and attempts of his fellow-labourers in this caufe; and he refers to a particular circumftance in a late application to government, which we fhall juft mention in the conclufion of this article. How well he pleads in behalf of religious freedom will appear from a few fhort extracts. When, in the third fection, he endeavours, to fhew that penal laws are inconfiftent with the common principles of virtuous fociety and the mutual rights of men, among other obfervations we have the following: If there are certain natural and perfonal rights which I can no more feparate from my own exiftence, than I can annihilate myself, it must be thus also with respect to other men; or elle they would not be of the fame kind with myfelf. If I ought not to be denied the free ufe of reason, nor excluded from the right of private judgment, nor hindered from following the dictates of confcience, becaufe my well-being, the integrity and peace of my mind, are all at ftake; why then fhould others be refused these advantages? Are not thefe privileges of as much importance to them as to me? Is it not their bufinefs to pursue their own welfare as well as it can be mine? Can they be happy without the enjoyment of thefe facred rights, any more than myfeif? And have they not an equal right with me, to pursue their own happiness? Is there a fenator, is there a nobleman, is there a prelate, who would not confider it as a great hardfhip, to be laid under obligations of violating his own confcience, of acting contrary to his own judgment, and to what alfo he thought his own intereft? And must not this burthen be as great and as unreasonable too when it falls on other men? All ranks, in every ftate, have an equal right to the common privileges of human nature. This is a truth fo obvious, that no fober perfon will ever once call it in queftion. How then can it be reconciled with the principles of fociety and of mutual justice, that numbers fhould be exposed to cruel punishments, because they will not become dishonest and break through the folemn ties of their own reason and confcience? If any one - could be found, who should seriously vindicate fuch measures, and represent the continuance of fuch laws, as just and virtuous in any government, I would fay of him, in the language of a great and wife fenator," that he is mad, because he jultifies the deftruction of laws and of liberty, and esteems the infamous and deteftable fubverfion of thefe bleffings as a glorious atchievement t." For no man in the proper exercife of his reafon, could ever talk and act in such an unreasonable manner; nor ought he to be confidered as a proper fubject either of law and juftice, or of civil government, who has no other ideas, but fuch as would deftroy all law and juftice, and fociety among the human species.' In the fourth fection, fpeaking of human laws as fubverfive of just government, and the real intereft of every commonwealth, he thus argues: Such measures are naturally calculated to diffolve the ftrongeft bonds of fociety, and to break through all thofe folemn obligations which are fo effential for the prefervation and well-being of every state. For when once men have been forced to difregard the voice of confcience, and to do what they believe unjuft, then the principles of a virtuous conduct are fet afide; religion is pierced with a mortal wound the reins are given to every fpecies of vice and corruption; the love of the public and the defire of the common good will be extinguifhed; nor can it be expected that they fhould be faithful to others, who are become treacherous to themselves. And moreover, if the governors of any state will oblige their fubjects either to become dishoneft, or to remain expofed to heavy pe Tull. de Offic. lib. ii. fect. 21. nalties palties and be without protection; the fubjects, in this cafe, will naturally fuppofe that integrity and virtue are no recommendation to their fuperiors, and that they are released from all obligations of a moral kind, if they do but comply with the will of their rulers. I dare not mention the fatal confequences of fuch thoughts; they are too obvious. Or if the governors of any ftate will fecure the rights of confcience and the divine liberty of reasoning and judging only to themselves and particular friends, while they deny thefe facred privileges to the reft, they do in effect diffolve the most engaging bonds of human nature, and put an end to the common fociety of mankind; which being deftroyed, beneficence, liberality, kindness, and juftice muft utterly perish. And fuch as take away the foundation of thefe virtues, are properly charged with impiety towards the divine nature; because they fubvert the bafis of that fociety, which was established by the Deity himself." For these reafons, no wife legislature will ever invade the rights of confcience; because when that is done, their office becomes vain; fuch meafures of preservation are the greatest ruin that can happen to any ftate. That government, which makes attempts of this kind on the fubject, may be justly compared to a madman, who wishes to tear open his own bowels, that he may fee how he is made within, and examine what it is that keeps the body together, and whether he cannot introduce ftronger ties for the union and prefervation of every limb, than the Author of Nature has done.' In the eighth fection our Author examines, and confequently condemns, the ufe of penal laws, in this nation, enacted merely for the direction of confcience. He argues in favour of the Nonconformists, with moderation, strength, and fpirit: but when the late bill intended for their relief falls under his review, he is, we think, rather harfh on thofe gentlemen to whom the management of this bill was more directly committed, or who were otherwife concerned in its defence. It is certainly defirable and reafonable that the relief propofed fhould comprehend the whole body of Diffenters, and to them all, we doubt not, it was apprehended this relief would extend, on the plan then laid down. If that plan appears to be infufficient, we heartily with fome other more acceptable method may be dif covered; and, if the application is renewed, attended with greater fuccefs but we apprehend the Diffenters ought, from a regard to their own honour and peace, to be cautious how they raife objections, or pertinacioufly excite any oppofition, from party motives, among themselves. MONTHLY |