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and learned Dr. John Douglas, canon of Windsor; who has made iç his business to draw together all the detached and scattered parts of the original collection. It was by means of this gentleman, that the re-union between the Powney papers and the Hyde part of the collection was effected. He was afterwards commissioned to purchase the papers. left by Mr. Radcliffe. He has fince himself purchased, and thrown into the common stock, a parcel of manuscripts, which belonged to the late Mr. Guthrie. By Dr. Douglas's means, other important additions have been procured ; and the Editor is obliged to him for many valuable hints and informations, which have been of confiderable use in conducting the present publication.
The title of the preceding volume was, State Papers collected by Edward Earl of Clarendon.-Containing the Materials from which his History of the great Rebellion was composed, and the Authorities on which the Truth of his Relation is founded.' From this title we took occasion to express our apprehensions, that the noble Historian had culled out every thing of sterling worth, and that what was left behind, was little better than dross. But now a very different scene presents itself. The Editor is convinced, upon a farther insight into the materials before him, of the impropriety of continuing the same title to the second volume, which was prefixed to the former ; and which was then adopted upon a very partial view and com(parison of the contents of it with the history of the rebellion.
For, not to mention, says Dr. Scrope, that there are many valuable papers below the period of that history, it will appear, even upon a cursory reading of this volume alone, that ihere are many curious and entertaining particulars of which Lord Clarendon has taken ro notice, either in that history, or in his life, and the continuation of his life, published a few years since; and ftill farther, that there is at least one very important point of history, on which he has also been filent, the uncertainty whereof has afforded matter of controversy to the ableft hiftorians of later days, but which is by these papers placed beyond all manner of doubt. Indeed, there is nothing more evident, than that much of his history of the rebellion was composed when he was at a distance from those materials, the most important parts of which are now, and will hereafter, Þe presented to the Public in the present work.'
If this account shews, as it undoubtedly doth, that the colJection of the Clarendon state papers is much more valuable and interesting than we at first apprehended, it reflects, at the same time, a proportionable degree of discredit on the hiftory of thę rebellion. Independently of Lord Clarendon's particular sentiments and representations of things, we have long been fenable that there are feveral instances in which he is erroneous
or defe&ive in his relation of facts themselves. This is now rendered indubitable by the publication before us, and by the teftimony of a friend to his memory, who, of all others, is the beft acquainted with the subject. As these papers will be too voluminous and expensive ever to fall into the hands of the generality of readers, it must certainly hereafter be desirable, for some well-wilher to the noble Earl's reputation, to collect together the various particulars, by which he would probably have given additional accuracy and perfection to his history, had he been possessed of his original and authentic memorials, at the time in which it was finished.
The papers comprized in this volume, commence in the year 1637, and are brought down to King Charles the Second's safe arrival on the Continent after the battle of Worcester; lo that they include a moft important and interesting period of the English history, to which they may juftly be regarded as a valuable acquisition. • In the firit set of letters which we here meet with, we have a continuation of Secretary Windebank's correspondence with his Majesty, and several eminent persons. These were probably the Secretary's most confidential dispatches, which escaped the vigilance of the parliament. They relate to various transactions at home and abroad, down to the 16th of O&ober, 1640; and many of them are very curious. The following letter, from the Earl of Newcastle, on his being appointed Gentlerr.an of the Bedchamber to the Prince of Wales, may serve to shew the high sense which the nobility at that time entertained of a court favour.
The Earl of Newcastle to Mr. Secretary Windebank, Noble Sir, “ I beseech you to present me in the most humble manner in the world to his Sacred Majesty, and to let his Majesty know I Mall as cheerfully as diligently obey his Majesty's commands. Truly, the infinite favour, honour, and trust his Majesty is pleased to heap on me in this princely employment, is beyond any thing I can express. It was beyond a hope of the most partial thoughts I had about me: neither is there any ching in me left, but a thankful heart filled with diligence, and obedience to his Sacred Majetty's will.
" It is not the least favour of the King and Queen's Majesties to let me know my obligation. And I pray, Sir, humbly inform their Majesties, it is my greatest bleling that I owe myself to none but their Sacred Majefties. God ever preserve them and their's, and make me worthy of their Majesties' favours !
“ I have had but seldom the honour to receive letters from you ; but such as these you cannot write often. But truly I am very proud I received such happy news by your hand, which shall ever oblige me to be inviolably,
Sir, Your most faithful Welbeck, the 21st of
and obliged Servant, March 1637
W. NEWCASTLE." but my
In one of Windebank's letters to his Majesty, there is an his torical circumstance, respecting Sir Francis Seymour's conduct in the affair of Ship-money, which is much to that gentleman's honour, and is litile, if at all, known. The marginal note of the King, accompanying the letter, is a sufficient indication of bis arbitrary principles.
“ Sir Francis Seymour, upon complaint of the heriff of Wilts, that he refused to pay the Thipping-money, and that his example discouraged others, which is the cause of the great arrears in that county, was called to the board upon Wednesday last : where he told the lords, he had against his conscience, and upon the importunity of his friends, paid that money twice; but now his conscience would fuffer him no more to do a thing (as he thought) lo contrary to law and to the liberty of a subject. He further acquainted the lords, he had lately received a lecter from the board, giving him notice of your Majesty's expedition in the North, and was ready to give an answer. My lords apprehending by his boldness in the hipping business, that he came prepared with a worse on this, told him they expected his answer in writing, and would ņot hearken to any verbal discourse : only wished him to be well advised how he spake against the legality of the former, seeing it is settled by a judgment,
and so confirmed by the judges. He re must needs make would have replied ;
lords combim an example, not only manded him to withdraw; and after, gave by difrefs, but, if it be Sir Edward Baynton, the theriff of the poffible, an information in county for the precedent year, commanda some courte, as Mr. Aturnie ment to diftrain his goods; which he hath jhall advse.
hitherto forborn in regard of his birth, and C.R.
power in the country; and he verily be. lieves, he will make refittance,
“This is too much unpleasing matter Barrvike 29 May 1639. for your Majesty, for which'l molt humbly
crave your princely pardon, and that I may
moft humble and obedient Drury Lane,
Subject and Servant, 24th May 1533
FRAN, WINDEBANK." Among the rest of Secretary Windebank's papers, we find a narrative, by Lord Conway, of his conduct in the action at Newburn, and of the reasons of his retreat from Newcastle ; which throws important light upon those events, and Mews, beyond a reasonable doubt, that his Lord hip hath been very un. justly censured by all our historians, not excepting the Earl of Clarendon himself.
Sir Francis Windebank's dispatches are succeeded by a num. ber of letters, written by a variety of persons, on a variety of occasions. Here Mr. Hyde's correspondence properly begins ; and it is intermixed with many other papers, relative to the affairs both of England and Ireland. The letter subjoined, from
the Lord Mountnorris to the Earl of Strafford, will be deemed the more remarkable, as it was sent to that nobleman, the day before his.execution.
The Lord Mountnorris to the Earl of Strafford. My Lord, “ With all humble fincerity of heart I speak it, I come not to you to disturb your peace, but to further it. My confeience witnesseth with me, as I hope for falvation, that, until you took away the Se. cretary's place from me, I honoured and efteemed you as my best friend, and never wittingly offended you in word or deed, but un. bosomed my heart and advice to you, as I would have done to my father, if he had been living. And how feryently I fought your reconciliation, my several letters, and my poor afflicted wife's, written and directed to yourfelf, may testify for me. You brought me into disgrace causelessly with my gracious Sovereign; whom I call God to be my więness I have served with all pollible faithfulness: and the depriving me of his Majesty's favour, hath been, and is more griev. ous to me than any death can be. You have publickly dishonoured and disgraced me by accusing me of bribery, corruption, and oppres, fion, whereof my God knows I am innocent ; and for trial thereof I have fubmitted myself to the strictest scrutiny of the parliament. You have by a high and powerful hand by misinformation to his Majefty, tripped me of all my offices and employments, and so impoverished me in my estate, and brought so many calamities upon me and my, distressed wife and her seven cbildren, who are nearly allied to her that is a faint in heaven, and was the mother of your dear children, as bave ruined their fortunes, which I hoped would have been ad vanced by your favourable furtherance. My Lord, I beseech you pardon me for making this woeful relation, which proceeds from a grieved sorrowful foul with tears from my eyes ; not for myself, (for I bless God my afflictions have weaned me from this world, and my heart is fixed upon a heavenly habitation) but for my poor infants fakes, whom I am like by these occasions to leave distressed, if his Majesty take not confideration of them. If your Lordship's heart do not tell you you have been too cruel to me and mine, I must leave it to the fearcher of all hearts to be judge betwixt us; but if it do, you may be pleased, in discharge of a good conscience, to make some lignification thereof to his Majeliy; and I will not doubt but my God will dispofe his Majesty's heart to take compasion of my poor infants, and reward it into the bosom of you and your's accordingly. And, my Lord, I do froin my heart forgive you all the wrongs you have done to me and mine; and do upon the knees of my heart beseech my God not to lay them to your charge, but to receive your soul into his glorious presence, where all tears shall be wiped from your eyes, Amcn, amen, sweet Jesus! which shall be the incessant
Your Lordship's 11 of May 1641.
Brother in Chrif Jesus,
FRA. MOUNTNORRIS." Lord Digby having spoken, in a letter written from Dublin to Sir Edward Hyde, of the proceedings against the Earl of
Glamorgan, relative to his commission to treat with the Irish
Clarendon. My Lord Chancellor, " For his Majesty's better information, through your favour, and by the channel of your Lordship's understanding things rightly, give me leave to acquaint you with one chief key, wherewith to open the secret passages between his late Majesty and myself in order to his service; which was no other than a real exposing of myself to any expence or difficulty, rather than his just design hould not take place; or, in taking effect, that his honour should suffer. An effect, you may justly say, relishing more of a passionate and blind affection to his Majesty's service, than of discretion and care of myself. This made me take a resolution that he should have seemed angry with me at my return out of Ireland, until I had brought him into a polture and power to own his commands, to make good his inftructions, and to reward my faithfulness and zeal therein.
" Your Lordship may well wonder, and the King too, at the amplitude of my commission. But when you have understood the height of his Majesty's design, you will soon be satisfied that nothing less could have made me capable to effect it; being that one army of ten thousand men was to have come out of Ireland through North Wales; another, of a like number at least under my command in chief, have expected my return in South Wales, which Sir Henry Gage was to have commanded as Lieutenant General; and a third should have consisted of a matter of fix thousand men, two thousand of which were to have been Liegois, commanded by Sir Francis Edmonds, two thousand Lorrainers to have been commanded by Colonel Browne, and two thousand of such French, English, Scots, and Irish, as could be drawn out of Flanders and Holland. And the fix thousand were to have been, by the Prince of Orange's assistance, in the associated counties : and the Governor of Lyne, cousin.german to Major Bacon, Major of my own regiment, was to have delivered the town into them.
“ The maintenance of this army of foreigners was to have come from the Pope, and such Catholick Princes as he should draw into it, having engaged to afford and procure 30,000 l. a month ; out of which the foreign army was first to be provided for ; and the remainder to be divided among other armies. And for this purpose had I power to treat with the Pope and Catholick Princes with particular advantages promised to Catholicks, for the quiet enjoying their religion, without the penalties which the statutes in force had power to inflict upon them. And my instructions for this purpose, and my powers to treat and conclude thereupon, were ligned by the King under his pocket fignet, with blanks for me to put in the names of Pope or Princes, to the end the King might have a starting hole to deny the having given me such commiffions, if excepted againft by his own subjects ; leaving me as it were at itake, who for his Majelly's fake was willing to andergo it, trusting to his word alone.