which, of all other studies, is the most neceffary, for a man who is to live in the world. It only points out to us, not to be too decifive and peremptory; and to be cautious how we draw inferences, for our own practice, from remote facts, partially or ignorantly related; of which we can, at beft, but imperfectly guefs, and certainly not know the real motives. The teftimonies of Ancient History most neceffarily be weaker than thofe of Modern, as all teftimony grows weaker and weaker, as it is more and more remote from us. I would therefore advise you to ftudy Ancient Hiftory, in general, as other people do; that is, not to be ignorant of any of thofe facts which are univerfally received, upon the faith of the best Hiftorians; and, whether true or falfe, you have them as other people have them. But Modern History, I mean particularly that of the three last centuries, is what I would have you apply to with the greatest attention and exactness. There the probability of coming at the truth is much greater, as the teftimonies are much more recent; befides, anecdotes, memoirs, and original letters, often come to the aid of Modern Hiftory.' So exactly do Lord Chesterfield's ideas correspond with our opinion of the use and authority of hiftory, in the general, that we cannot withhold our free and unreferved fubfcription to every thing that he has advanced on the fubject. We should now proceed to other extracts; but the difficulty of felection, where the choice is fo abundant, leaves us no cafy talk to execute. We could fill a whole volume of Reviews with the curious and inftructive materials which now open upon us, as we turn over these valuable pages: the subjects rifing in importance as we proceed in the feries. Our customary limits, however, will oblige us, for the prefent, to close the book; but we shall, with great pleasure, refume the review of it, in our next publication. ART. V. A Father's Legacy to his Daughters. By the late Dr. T frequently happens that thofe compofitions meet with a of not originally intended for the public eye. Thofe gifts are not the leaft agreeable which come unexpected, and to which we have no title. Befide the pleasure which we feel in being admitted to a participation of thofe fentiments which were infpired by friendship, or the warmth of private affections, we naturally expect, in works of this kind, a more candid difcuffion of opinions, than in compofitions which fpring from motives of intereft or applaufe; and we are fure of an unbiaffed judgment, where every thought aims only at the real advantage of those to whom the Writer addreffes himself. The amiable author of this fmall volume, who, while living, was no lefs refpected for his talents, than beloved for the qua 5 lities lities of his heart, intended thefe advices, as he himself informs us, as the last proof of his affection to bis daughters. In all his writings, his principal view was the good of his fellowcreatures, and to the wifh of a fon to contribute to that general defign, and to do honour to the memory of a father, the Pube lic is indebted for a very acceptable prefent. The Author has claffed his obfervations under four general heads, Religion-Conduct and Behaviour Amufements→→→ Friendship, Lave, and Marriage; and on each of thefe fube jects, fo far as the female fex are interested in them, in the early part of life, he has made many pertinent and judicious remarks, arifing naturally from his fubjects and fituation; and he has communicated them in an easy and unaffected style. In the first fection, after obferving the utility of religious principles to a woman, either in a life of fuffering and depreffion, which is too often the lot of the ill-treated fex, or in the oppofite extreme of uncontrouled diffipation, he recommends the perufal of fuch books of religion only, as are addreffed ta the heart, and wifely cautions againft entangling the female mind in the mazes of fyftem, or controverted opinions. He makes a judicious obfervation, to which we believe few of his male Readers will refufe their affent, That even those men who are themselves unbelievers diflike infidelity in a woman.? Pity it is, this truth were not more generally known and admitted. On the second head, viz. of Conduct and Behaviour, he is warm in the recommendation of that amiable referve, that retiring delicacy, which, without directly avoiding, feeks not the public eye. He cautions against indulging a talent for wit; and with regard to humour, though the lefs offenfive talent, he fenfibly remarks that in a woman it may make her company be courted, but it is often a great enemy to delicacy, and ftill a greater to dignity of character. He cenfures an affectation of learning, and even too great a difplay of good fenfe, as erring against the firft rule of pleafing in converfation, which is, to make every one pleased with himself. On the head of Amusements, the Author recommends fuch. of the more active kind as are conducive to health, and not at the fame time inconfiftent with female delicacy. His fentiments with regard to domeftic employments, drefs, and public amufements, are extremely judicious; and while they are far from favouring the fashionable diffipation of the age, they are equally removed from a rigid and unfocial feverity. See particularly our accounts of his Comparative View of the State of Man, &c. Rev. vol. xxxv. p. 221. and of his Obfervations on the Office and Duties of a Physician. Rev. vol. xli. p. 401. In the laft, and, not leaft important fection, the Author has examined the different duties and decorums, of Love, of Friendfhip, and of Marriage. In friendship between females, he advifes an unlimited confidence, except in the article of Love: This may, perhaps, be condemned by fome of his readers, as infinuating a pretty fevere reflection upon the fex: The Author's reafons, however, are certainly ftrong; the motives of delicacy, and the danger of a fecret efcaping, from the imprudence or inattention of a confident. He advances a propofition ftill more difputable: If a gentleman's attachment, fays he, is agreeable to you, I leave you to do as nature, good-fenfe, and delicacy fhall direct you. If you love him, let me advise you never to discover to him the full extent of your love, no, not although you marry him. That fufficiently thews your preference, which is all he is entitled to know? Our Author's reafon is, that violent love cannot fubfift for any time together on both fides, and that a reserve on one fide is the only fecurity against fatiety. But may it not with juftice be argued against this propofition, that however luxuriant the plant, it cannot long fubfift in an ungrateful foil: that a man whofe foul is devoted to one object is not worthily repaid by bare compliances, or by the fcanty returns of gratitude; and that those who adopt this fcheme of referve in marriage, overlook the most refined enjoyment of which human nature is capable, the felicity which refults from the confciousness of a mutual affection? From the above general view of the fubjects treated in this fmall, but elegant compofition, it will occur to our readers, that the Author's opinions on thofe topics, which are of the highest importance in life, are manly and fenfible, that he intermixes no trite nor vulgar obfervations, and that fometimes there is even a novelty of fentiment in matters of the moft common difcuffion. We recommend the attentive, the repeated perufal of this treatife to our young country-women; and though written profeffedly for the inftruction of a daughter, it will be found to contain many hints extremely proper for the confideration of a parent. ART. VI. The Right of the British Legislature to tax the American Colonies vindicated; and the Means of offerting that Right propofed. 8vo. 1 s. Becket. 1774. TH HIS Writer profeffes to prove that the North Americans have never loft the happy ftate of free subjects; and that the acts of the mother country, regarding them, and of which they now complain, are very confiftent with the fundamental principles of our conftitution, erring only on the fide of indul gence gence toward them:'-points which certainly require some ability to demonftrate, to the entire conviction of our brethren on the other fide of the Atlantic Ocean. The arguments on both fides of this important question on the right of taxation, muft by this time be nearly exhaufted, and will receive only a particular complexion from the hands through which they país. This Writer is by no means deficient in the management of his pen; and yet if the North Americans are ever brought to confefs that they have maintained a fallacious plea, we imagine it must be by other proofs of the power of the British parliament over them, than thofe that are here produced. The first argument offered to justify this extenfion, is nevertheless far from being the weakest that hath appeared in the course of this controverfy, and especially of thofe contained in this performance: A fundamental principle that has ever been regarded as fuch b all writers of government is, that in every civilized state, there mu be, fome where, a fupreme all-controling power. In the British ftate this fupreme power is by the conftitution fixed in the united wills of the king, lords, and reprefentatives of the people in parliament affembled. Are the colonifts fubject to this fupreme power? They themselves acknowledge that they are in every thing, excepting taxation. But the principles of our conftitution, when fully understood, will, I believe, evidently prove, that the British parliament, composed of the three eftates above mentioned, is fupreme, not in one branch of legislation alone, but in all branches, in taxa. tion as in every thing elfe, without any respect to the approbation or disapprobation of the individuals of the fociety over whom it prefides, when their general welfare is vifibly the object of its decrees.' This leads to an examination of the pofition, that in a free nation, fuch as ours, taxes cannot be imposed without the confent of the individuals of the fociety by whom they are to be paid, or of their actual reprefentatives. Mr. Locke is cenfured for having afferted, "that the fupreme power cannot take from any one, any part of his property but by his own confent, otherwise he has no property at all." On this occafion the Writer fays, if it be in the very effence of a free man to dif pofe of his property as he pleafes, there is not in that cafe a fingle free fubject in Great Britain. Where is the noble or commoner that dare fay, he can refuse paying a tax, when the legiflature has ordained it? Here however he overshoots the mark; for no man in his private capacity, can refuse obedience to laws made by his reprefentatives and if the Americans claim no fuch right, he fhould not infinuate abfurdities against them, of which they are not guilty. After advancing this charge of incongruity against Mr. Locke, the fame accufation is extended to Mr. Pownal. From From not examining, fays he, the first principle of a focial union in a civilized government, it has been common to regard taxation in the British fate as un don gratuit, or as a free gift given at the pleasure of the individual. Thus governor Pownal tells us, "fupplies granted in parliament are of good will, not of duty; the free and voluntary act of the giver, not obligations and fervices, which the giver cannot of right refufe." And again," they, that are the members of parliament, do not give and grant from the property of others to ease themfelves." Both of thefe are falfe propofitions, un. worthy of the difcernment and abilities, which that gentleman has fhewn in other parts of the treatise referred to. Whoever will but advert to the first principles, and to the forms of the British conftitution for ages paft, muft, I think, allow, that fupplies, granted in parliament, are both of free-will and of duty; and certainly in regard to the laft propofition, the burden of fupplies is always extended to a greater number of individuals than ever gave their confent to the raifing of them, either perfonally or by their reprefentatives." We do not clearly fee what is gained by this refined diftincon between duty and free will. It is both the duty and will of ll free focieties to fupport themfelves in their political capa city; the mode and proportion of this fupport is, we will fuppofe, voluntary: hence that fupport will be contributed under a twofold confideration, of what is needful, and what they can afford; and of thefe circumftances, the reprefentatives of the people are the acknowledged judges. The fable of the belly and the members is wrong applied by our Author in this cafe; for, though an individual may perhaps be willing to die, we cannot fuppofe a nation to adopt the refolution of felf deftruction: add to this, that no undue exemptions can be maintained in popular affemblies, where the majority always binds the minority. As to every individual not being reprefented in the British houfe of commons, it is certainly a defect, confidering the prefent circumftances of the people, but we must make the beft of our government as we find it. The truth is, our conftitution ftill retains the frame which it received on the old feudal principles; when it knew nothing of perfons who were not either freeholders, or freemen of trading corporations. Trade has indeed made every individual a free man, but has not vested every man with an active share in the political government of the country; though he participates in all the advantages an individual can enjoy from that government: he is fecured against oppreffion, by the equal protection which the laws af ford him; and he knows that thofe who enjoy the powers of legiflation, cannot tax him, without including themfelves. But the Americans who live in another, and a remote country, which is wholly unreprefented in the British parliament, plead, that if our powers of taxation extended over the ocean, they have no fuch fecurity against the abuse of them. Our |