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After several questions, captious in their nature, had been asked and answered, Mr. Thompson turned upon his assạilant, 'If you have now done, sir, I, in turn, should like to ask you a few questions.

Do you consider slavery a sin?' 'I consider slavery a moral evil.' Do you consider slavery a sin ?' • I do consider slavery a sin.' 'Is the marriage of slaves legal in the Southern States?' . It is legalized in Maryland.

• Can the Slaveholder, by the laws of Maryland, separate husband and wife?'.

He can,' &c. &c. The gentleman stranger, (who is said to belong to Springfield in this state, formerly from the South) appealed to the people, but finally withdrew his appeal, and declared himself satisfied.' Whether satisfied or not, we believe he had as much as he could digest, and as much as he could swallow, including the question and answer system.

On Sunday evening, Mr. Thompson delivered a lecture on Slavery, in a religious view, as opposed to the doctrines of the Bible. The meeting-house (Rev. Mr. Peabody's) was much crowded, and many went away unable to gain admittance.

On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured on the sin of slavery, before a newly formed ' Anti-Slavery Society, of the New England Conference of Methodist Episcopal Ministers,' consisting of about 60 or 70 Ministers-(a glorious phalanx !) at the South street Methodist meetinghouse. The house was well filled ; but owing to a misunderstanding by many, that the lecture was to be delivered at the Woodend meeting-house, (which was otherwise engaged) all who went were enabled to get in. The lecture was a powerful and splendid production both in argument and in manner of delivery.

On Tuesday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured at the Friend's meeting-house, which is very large, and was thoroughly filled. He was assisted by Rev. A. A. Phelps, one of the public Agents of the Society, whose address was able, and well received. Mr. Garrison and several other friends of the cause, from Boston and Salem, were pres.

ent. Mr. T. took occasion to glance at the past history and conduct of the Friends in regard to slavery, the lively interest they had taken in the cause of the oppressed, and the liberal contributions they had made; and exhorted to a continuance in the ways of well doing.

There may be men in our own country of more learning and more depthof mind, and strengthof reasoning, than Mr. Thompson, though, we think, rarely to be found; but for readiness and skill in debate, and splendor of eloquence, as an orator, we believe he stands unrivalled. His amiableness, mildness of temper, urbanity, and blandness of manners and deportment, are adapted to win the love and affection of all, who are lionored with his acquaintance. That the haughty, and the envious, should whisper their malignant hints that something evil is lurking about his character, is no more than may be naturally expected; though they are most fully and satisfactorily refuted by his numerous and honorable testimonials of respect which we have seen, from benevolent societies and individuals in England, where he is well known. These all breathe the warm friendship and esteem which goodness and greatness of soul alone can inspire.

The independence of mind which Mr. Thompson possesses, is one of the most striking and important traits in his excellent character. He shrinks from nothing. He is ready to attack sin and wickedness in every shape-in high or low places : and his thrusts never miss-never fail of effect.

The name of 'Mr. George Thompson' was often asso ciated in the public journals, with distinguished orators and philanthropists, at the various public meetings of benevolent societies in England, long before he embarked for this country. He was there ranked among the most able and popular orators. But here, in this country,

there are certain would-be great men, who dare not meet Mr. Thompson in the open field, who vent their pitiful malice, and strive to induce others to treat him with that neglect, to which themselves are so well entitled ; because he brings out and exposes to the light of day their works of dark

He is a furcigner--he has no right to come here inter

ness.

fering with our laws, our customs, and our private rights.'

Very fine, indeed! Capital! Who has a right to interfere, or- say a word, if a man murders his wife and children, or sells them into bondage? It was all his own family concern. Who has a right to express an opinion of the Turks, when oppressing, starving, and murdering the Greeks, not only men, but helpless women and children ? Who has a right to express an opinion against the Russians for similar conduct toward the Poles, under similar circumstances, as the latter were the vassals of the former, in both cases ? Who has a right to send Gospel missionaries abroad among the benighted heathen, groping in darkness, in order to instruct and enlighten them in the way of truth? WE—we, the American people, the 'sons of liberty,' claim the right, and exercise it too; without once being asked, why do ye so? We, the American people, claim and exercise the right, when the laws of God the eternal laws of truth and justice, and humanity, are broken, to expose the sin, and to reprove, rebuke and exhort' the transgressor.

* But slavery was brought to our shores and entailed on us by England, against our consent, when we were under her government; and now shall England send men here to complain of the injustice and cruelty of the act, when we should be glad to get rid of the evil, but cannot?'

Reason answers, Yes. If England did wrong, and afterward saw the evil, repented, and brought forth fruits meet for repentance, by liberating all their own slaves, was it not right-was it not a christian duty, to extend their acts of kindness to us also, whom they had led into error ; to tell us what they had done, and how they did it ; and to aid and assist us to get out of the difficulty ? The law of God is universal. The law of Christians—the law of love, is universal ; and requires the subjects of that law to oppose and expose sin and oppression wherever they are found. . We send Ministers, political, religious, and masonic, to England and other places—to co-operate-to ask and give assistance, and mutually to benefit each other.

But what can we, in the Northern States do? say, slavery is a sin.' We can enlighten public sentiment on the subject, and cause the sin of slavery-the greatest

We can

sin in the world, to become odious : and public sentiment in this country has the force of law, to correct any evil.

To assist us in these labors of love, Mr. Thompson has been sent among us, by the friends of humanity in England; and a most efficient and powerful co-worker he is, sweeping away the refuges of lies, and carrying his principles as a mighty sweeping torrent, wherever he goes. The advocates of slavery fear and hate him, the humane and philanthropic love him, and all respect and admire his talents, whatever they may pretend.

Mr. Thompson possesses all the requisites of an impressive and powerful orator—a fund of acquired knowledge, a brilliant imagination, natural pathos, a powerful voice, an elegant form, graceful gesticulation, à countenance capable of expressing any passion or emotion, and lastly, the most important of all, a benevolent heart—an expansive soul.

DENIAL OF KAUFMAN'S CHARGE.

Boston, SEPTEMBER 30,

1835.

To the Editor of the Daily Atlas :

Sir,—Through the kindness of a friend, I have just received a copy of your paper of this day, in which the following paragraph appears, extracted from the New York Commercial Advertiser.

• Mr. Thompson, in conversation with some of the students, repeatedly averred that every slaveholder in the United States, oughT TO HAVE HIS THROAT CUT, or deserved to have his throat cut ; although he afterward publicly denied that he had said so. But the proof is direct and positive. In conversation with some of the theological students, in regard to the moral instruction which ought to be enjoyed by the slaves, he distinctly declared, THAT EVERY SLAVE SHOULD BE TAUGHT TO CUT HIS MASTER'S THROAT. I state the fact-knowing the responsibility I am assuming, and challenge a legal investigation.'

In justice to myself, and the cause in which I am engaged, I feel it my duty, in the most solemn and emphatic manner, to deny the above allegations. They are at total variance with all the sentiments I have ever either publicly or privately expressed. I refer with the utmost confidence, to all who know me, and to the many thousands who have listened to my public addresses, as witnesses to the perfectly pacific character of my views and principles, on the subject of slavery. I hold in utter abhorrence the shedding of blood, and would, if I had the power, inculcate upon the mind of every slave in the world, the apostolical precept, 'Resist not evil.' These doctrines I hold in common with the advocates of immediate emancipation universally. Their views, on the subject under discussion, are, I believe, in strict coincidence with the views of the Society of Friends.

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