hermeneutical principles, should make the in- replied in a piece which left Eck no desire spired documents of Christianity the subject of to continue the controversy. Among other his exegetical prælections, should lucidly and convincingly develope their contents, and devote his energies in every practicable form, and with decisive earnestness, to the advancement of the Reformation!—Matthes, 30.

erto kind friend had promised to bequeath to him. Reuchlin was not averse to reformation, but, like Erasmus, would have had it brought about by the recognized ecclesiastical authorities, and he was much displeased that Melanchthon went so far. In the Corpus Reformatorum,' vol. i., p. 646, there is a curious letter from Melanchthon to Spalatin, on the subject of this lost library.

points he handled in it was the Roman proof text of Peter's primacy, (Matt. xvi. 18,) on which he brought his earlier patristic studies to bear with great acuteness. The piece procured for him, much against These expectations were fully realized. his will, the degree of bachelor of theology, Melanchthon's name and efforts opened a and a place in the theological faculty, with new era for the university. Students a salary of 100 florins; but cost him, no thronged thither from all parts of Germany, doubt, equally against it, the attachment of and even from other countries, on purpose Reuchlin, and the library which that hithto attend his lectures. Though in 1517, there had not been more than 200 students inscribed for all the classes, Spalatin says, that in 1520, Melanchthon's lectures were attended by 600 hearers at a time, which was more by one-third than attended Luther's. Herebrand, in his funeral oration for him, says, that he sometimes had as many as 2000 students, among whom were princes, counts, barons, and many of noble So severe was Melanchthon's application families. This extraordinary success re- to study during the years 1519-20, that his sulted partly from his untiring diligence in friends were in great concern about his his vocation, partly from his uncommon health. From this cause, principally, they attractiveness of disposition and manners, urged him to marry; and at length with partly, and principally, no doubt, from the success. On the 18th of August, 1520, he extraordinary union of information, scien- married Catharine Krapp, the daughter of tific depth, and aesthetic cultivation which the then Burgomaster of Wittemberg. adorned his prælections. But the greatest, Though he entered on this relation with after all, of the many beneficial results of reluctance, he never repented of it. his settlement in Wittemberg was the confidence which immediately grew up between him and Luther, and their strong mutual influence. By this means, Melanchthon learned to realize a higher view than he had, probably, ever before taken of his calling as a scholar, and to make every effort in some way or other subordinate to the progress of evangelical truth. Although he never entirely ceased from giving classical and philosophical instruction, and very reluctantly consented, in 1519, to become a member of the theological faculty, he immediately commenced with the Epistle to Titus, that course of New Testament expositions which diffused the seed of gospel truth as far as his name was known.

When, in 1521, during Luther's seclusion in the Wartburg, private masses were abolished by the Augustinians in Wittemberg, Melanchthon was a member of the academical commission which sat upon the subject, and joined in recommending their disuse, but took no prominently active part. He has been depreciated, because, during the same period, he did not suppress the excesses of Storch and his companions, but with unreasonable severity. As a theologian, Melanchthon, was, at that time, comparatively a novice. The very discipline whereby he had attained his proficiency in letters and philosophy, was unfavorable to a hasty decision of new and previously unconsidered questions. To blame MelanchThe part he took in the memorable Leip-thon for not having manifested Luther's zig disputation of 1519, though not admit-promptitude, is as unreasonable as it would ted as a disputant, need not be here dwelt be to find fault with Luther, because he upon. This disputation had a powerful ef- never attained to Melanchthon's accuracy fect on himself in strengthening his attach- and grace. Non omnia possumes omnes. It ment to the Reformation, and his resolution may be admitted that Melanchthon deliberto assist its progress. A letter which he ated too long, and that he suffered himself at wrote to his friend Ecolampadius respect-first to be too favorably prepossessed by the ing it, having induced Eck to send forth an fanatics, but had he done neither, he would, insolent answer to the " Wittemberg gram probably, have had but little influence in marian," as he termed him, Melanchthon quelling the tumult they had raised. He

much from bodily infirmities, was, after his recall from Strasburg, with brief exception, the pride of his fellow-citizens, and the boast of the Reformed communion.

was but a young man, younger by twelve or into enthusiasm, several of them were atfifteen years than Jonas, Carlstadt, or Ams-tended with considerable danger. Zwingle dorf. Besides this, he held no ecclesias- perished on the field of battle; but Melanchtical office, and though eminently skilled in thon, though he died on his bed, was long philosophical disputation, he never felt that and frequently engaged in conflicts of a he had the talent of addressing popular as- much more painful character-conflicts semblies. into which the jealousies, the suspicions, In December, 1521, appeared the first and the calumnies of his brethren dragged edition of his Loci Communes,' the first him. Though not therefore-even in the published fruits of his theological profes- secondary sense in which Zwingle might be sorship. From the time that this came out termed one-a martyr, 'the sacrifices he until Luther's death, he was regarded as, made, and the trials he endured'—to quote next to him, the most prominent and influ- Hall's expressive eulogy of Brainerd and ential instrument of the reformation in Ger- Martyn-entitle him to the honors and reOn his decease, Melanchthon was wards of a protracted martyrdom.' And the facile princeps of German theologians. herein, doubtless, lies the chief distinction The visitation and superintendence of of his labors from the incessant and painschools, as well beyond as within the limits ful preaching, authorship, and correspondof Electoral Saxony, were almost exclu- ence of Calvin, who, though he suffered sively confided to him, as the person best qualified by learning, tact, and moral influence to establish, reform, or direct them. From the Diet at Augsburg, in 1530, which Luther was not permitted to attend lest It may be said, that the peculiar troubles Charles V. should regard his presence as of Melanchthon's later life were, in some an insult to his imperial crown and dignity, measure, his own fault. We were speaktill the colloquy at Worms, in 1557, he was ing of the fact, not of its cause; however, the principal advocate and representative of the point is worth inquiring into. But we the Protestant cause against the Roman must proceed methodically, and though it divines. During all this time, there was would be impracticable to consider even hardly a paper circulated by authority of the more important scenes of Melanchthon's any of the Electors of Saxony for the time being on doctrinal points, (and such papers were exceedingly numerous,) of which he was not the author. Besides these, he wrote treatises, commentaries, and letters, in almost incredible profusion. To sum up all in one brief sentence, it might, whether we regard his labors, or his sufferings, be said, that what Paul was among the apostles, Melanchthon was among the reformers. Excepting, Luther, Zwingle (who, however, was cut off at an earlier age) and Calvin, there is no one among them that approaches him, in the amount and variety of his public services. But though each of these may have done, or have endured, more than he in some one respect, his exertions and trials, as a whole, exceed those of either of them.

life and labors in detail, we will review those of them which have provoked the strongest censure, commencing with the earliest.

He was pusillanimous, it has been said, at Augsburg, in 1530, and all but betrayed the Reformation. On this point, we think, that even the more moderate historians have failed to exercise due discrimination. That with the management of the protes tant cause almost exclusively on his own shoulders, he should look upon the issue with the most intense anxiety, will surprise no reasonable mind. We cannot wonder that this concern, connected as it necessarily would be with the reflection that an unprosperous issue of the business, should such arise, would be, in part at least, his doing,-the consequence of measures consented to in ignorance of their result, or of lapses of diligence, or care, or perspicacity, or firmness, or tact, or even just compliance on his side,—would, with his conscientiousness, amount at times almost to despair.And when such thoughts came on at intervals, wave upon wave, deep calling unto deep, for several weeks, is it surprising that he should pour out his distresses in his cor

respondence with Luther, or that his trou- We suspect that this injustice has been ble and misgiving should even be discover- done to Melanchthon, under an unfair comed by his adversaries? Yet this is really parison. His behaviour has been contrastthe head and front of his offending. At- ed with that of Luther, at Worms. But tached from the deepest principle to the the circumstances are by no means paralcause of the Gospel, he never, for a mo- lel. Luther was cited to answer for himment, thought of sacrificing it. The points self; Melanchthon was the representative of order and practice, which he was willing and delegate of his prince and party. The to concede as the ransom of otherwise im- only question Luther had to consider was, prisoned and manacled truth, were points whether or not he would individually subon which his own mind was very imperfect- mit. Melanchthon had the religious interly convinced, and which, at any rate, he ests of nearly half the empire on his hands; considered as non-fundamental. And the and his assent or dissent was required as to anxiety which agitated him was not for him- the terms both of faith and practice, to self, but for the nation, and the church at which his partially enlightened countrymen large. It may be admitted, that he did not were to be henceforth restricted. Suppose act with unvarying decision, that he failed he had decided at once and irrevocato seize and hold, with firmness, the one bly, that no concession whatever should be exact alternative, which, had he realized it, made even in less fuudamental matters, as might have enabled him to possess his soul the maintenance of the bishoprics, for inin patience, and leave the result to God.-stance, and that war and confiscation, with All this may be admitted. But let not the all their horrors, had broken out in conseanguish which the prospect of others' mis-quence of the disruption caused by his deery, and the prostration of the Gospel in cision; would not many, whose consciences Germany as a possible result of his own remissness, or imprudence, or overstrained impracticableness, be represented as pusillanimity.*

were not at all concerned in these external questions, but who had received the gospel in the love of it, have felt that the interests of religion, as they understood it, and certainly their own religious interests, had been sacrificed to a punctilious pertinacity?

The

* Luther was in this respect more just than many who have written on it since, (see his Letters by De Wette, vol. iv. No. 1240,) though he There is a passage in Paley's Evidenerrs (ib. No. 1235) when he compares Melanch- ces,' which is of some interest in reference thon's position at Augsburg with that of Huss at to this case. We shall be excused for quoConstance. We could hardly desire a stronger ting it. The truth is, there are two oppoproof of the fidelity and intrepidity with which site descriptions of character under which Melanchthon defended the essentials of the gospel cause, than are afforded by the facts related in mankind may generally be classed. Veit Winsheim's funeral oration, and repeated in one possesses vigor, firmness, resolution; Selneccer's Historical Account of Luther's Life is daring and active, quick in its sensibiliand Labors,' This,' says Matthes, who has abridged the statement, he showed, when, on ties, jealous of its fame, eager in its attachthe day after the [Augsburg] confession was read, ment, inflexible in its purposes, violent in he was appointed to consult with catholic digni- its resentments. The other meek, yieldtaries. On this occasion, without suffering him- ing, complying, forgiving; not prompt to self to be in the smallest degree intimidated by the threats and fulminations which Cardinal Cam- act, but willing to suffer; silent and gentle peggio let fly at him, he answered his inquiry under rudeness and insult; suing for reconwhether he would give way or not, with the ciliation where others would demand satisgreatest composure and firmness-- We cannot faction; giving way to the pushes of impugive way or forsake the truth. We entreat, how-dence; conceding and indulgent to the ever, for God's and Christ's sake, that our oppo- prejudices, the wrong-headedness, the intractability of those with whom it has to deal. The former of these characters is, and ever hath been, the favorite of the world. It is the character of great men. There is a dignity in it which universally

nents will not take offence at this, but that they will, as far as they can, discuss with us, and concede to us what we cannot give up with a good conscience.' When Campeggio heard this, he cried out- Non possum non possum! clave non errante.' Amidst all this thundering, though Master Philip stood as one amongst lions, wolves, and bears, who were ready to tear him to pieces, he had a great and mighty mind in his little body, and answered undauntedly- We commend our cause to God the Lord. If God is for us, who can be against us? Come what will, we are prepared for good or adverse fortune.'-Matthes, p. 128. It was well known that he was often in

considerable personal danger; but this never kept him away from any of the conferences at which his presence was necessary to the protestant cause, or prevented him, on many decisive occasions, from declaring his determination to maintain the truth at all hazards.

The latter is poor-1 It is also easy, as easy indeed as it is gratuitous, to assert that if Melanchthon had displayed on this occasion the undaunted faith of Luther, all would have issued well. The reply is very simple: How was it that when, after the thirty years' war, Bohemia lay entirely at the Emperor's mercy, every vestige of protestantism was so speedily obliterated in that unhappy country?

religion, and for this purpose convened a diet, to decide upon some temporary arrangements which he would enforce till the decision of a general council, when all must submit without reserve. At this diet, a string of articles, prepared, as is supposed, under the sanction of the Margrave of Brandenburg, by Julius von Pflug, the deposed Bishop of Naumburg, Michael Helding, the titular Bishop of Sidon, and the Brandenburg court preacher, Johann Agricola, were promulgated by an imperial edict, commanding their unconditional reception in all the protestant States. This was the celebrated Augsburg Interim.

purity, but in the article concerning the church, allowed the jurisdiction of the bishops over the entire clergy, only with the condition that they character, under which condition Luther himmust be bishops of an apostolical faith and self would have had no objection to recognize their right. The alterations in the order of service consisted (in addition to the change of surplice, and the order that the candles on the altar should be lighted during divine service) in the following particulars:-confirmation was restored, but only in the sense of a renewal of the baptismal covenants; extreme unction was permitted; certain additional festivals were to be observed; and fasting was made obligatory, but under so many limitations that the ordinance was deprived of nearly all its importance.'-Galle, pp. 58—60.

'Few of the princes, in the face of all the resources which the emperor now possessed, had The bitterest reproaches were heaped either strength or courage to dispute his will; and a melancholy state of things overspread upon Melanchthon for the share he had in nearly the whole evangelical church. In bringing about this modified concession to southern Germany, the emperor enforced his the Interim. Yet it is difficult to see how, edict by his soldiery, and many hundreds of with his views of civil and religious duty, ministers who could not consent to receive an he could have acted otherwise than he did. adulterated doctrine, wandered with their From the opening of the deliberations, he wives and children up and down the country, without food or shelter. The elector Maurice, protested manfully against the smallest deof Saxony, [who had been nominated elector pravation of doctrine. In respect of cerein the room of the deposed John Frederic,] to monies, he allowed nothing which Luther prevent the same disorganization in his terri- had not repeatedly advised. The passing tory, prudently adopted a middle course. He of the modified articles at Leipzig, (thence resolved, as far as he should find, it practicable, called the Leipzig Interim,) and the conto introduce [restore] the outward ceremonies firmation of the new liturgy, were accomwhich were ordered in the Interim, though without intending to impair in any way the substance of the truth. He, therefore, forwarded the articles to his divines, at the head of whom stood Melanchthon, for their consideration, informing them that they might approve of as much of it as they could.* After several consultations, which led to no satisfactory result, and the most persevering efforts, he succeeded, in the spring of 1549, in introducing a new liturgy. This retained the fundamental doctrines of protestantism in all their

*Galle, whose statement we have extracted, as a specimen of his book, is not here so explicit as he should have been. The elector's directions to his divines at Pegau were, that they should comply with every thing which was admissible without detriment to the authority of the Holy Scriptures. The direction, as stated in the extract, was indeed very authoritatively given at the Torgau conference; but this was a state convention, not a meeting of divines; and the reason by which it was then enforced was an appeal, not to the scriptures, but to the fears of the convention, the commissioners declaring that otherwise 'the country would be exposed to the greatest calamities.' When the Torgau articles were submitted to the divines, they were directed to improve them, but so that the emperor might see that in nothing pertaining to their obedience, which was consistent with a good conscience and God's word, would there be any deficiency on the part of the elector and his subjects.'-Rev.

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panied with declarations on the part of Maurice's commissioners, as to how they were understood and should be carried out, which removed almost every objection which was raised against them. And Melanchthon, through whose persevering remonstrances it had been that the Pegau conference had been broken up, because the bishops of Naumburg and Meissen saw that they could not reconcile the evangelical party to the doctrines of the Augsburg Interim, felt that, though some things had been done at Leipzig which he could have wished otherwise, he could truly sayLipsica actio non facit in ecclesia mutationem, quia controversia de missa et canone rejicitur ad alias deliberationes.'

The truth is that our reformer was, at this time, between two fires. One of the worst consequences of Luther's dogmatism, and the undisputed authority which he had exercised over his party, was the tenacity with which the more sanguine and choleric of his adherents cleaved to even his extreme opinions. Hence every suspected deviation, however slight, became the occasion of alarm and controversy; and points of comparative indifference were discussed with a