of the republic; and in August 1764 a convention was figned at Compeigne, importing that his most christian majesty, in consideration of a certain ftipulated fubfidy, fhould fend a confiderable force both naval and military to the island of Corfica-the latter there to remain for the term of four years if needful; and on the restoration of peace his most christian majesty confented to guarantee the island to the republic. The Corficans, however, juftly alarmed at this interference, refolved with inflexible conftancy to defend their liberties at whatever rifk, fully and immoveably determined to endure every extremity rather than fubmit themselves and their pofterity to the infupportable yoke of Genoese tyranny and flavery. At the fame time general Paoli was commiffioned, respectfully to reprefent to his most chriftian majesty, in the name of the Corfican nation, the injury he was doing to the free Corficans, by fending his troops thither at the time they were upon the point of driving their enemies out of their ifland. And well knowing how unavailing this representation would probably prove, they charged their chief to folicit at the different courts of Europe, particularly thofe of Vienna and London, their mediation with his most chriftian majefty, and to implore their protection in defence of their rights and liberties. These applications, however, were doubtless received with coldness or contempt; for the French troops under the marquis de Marbœuf arrived without any impediment at the place of their deftination within or about the end of the year, and were immediately put into poffeffion of the principal fortreffes of Corfica yet remaining in the hand of the Genoese. In this general review of foreign politics, scarcely can be accounted worthy of mention the dispute fubfifting between his Britannic majefty, as elector of Hanover, and the chapter of Ofnaburg, to the bishopric of which the king of England had, agreeably to the provisions of the treaty of Westphalia, nominated his fecond fon prince Frederic; during the minority of whom it became a fubject of doubt and dif cuffion, cuffion, to whom belonged the administration of the temporalties of the fee, and the comitial fuffrage in the diet of the Empire-the appointment of an infant bishop being a new case in ecclefiaftical hiftory. In a contest so unequal it will eafily be fuppofed that, on an appeal to the diet now assembled at Ratisbon, a decifion was given without hefitation in favor of the monarch. It remains only to remark, that on the 30th of December 1765 died at Rome, in a far advanced age, the famous Chevalier de St. George, only fon of the late king James II. Born with the profpect of inheriting three powerful kingdoms, he experienced during the courfe of a long life only a fucceffion of misfortunes. So entirely had he furvived his political confequence, that the intelligence of his death was received in Great Britain with the utmoft coldness and indifference; though his pretenfions to the British crown had, within the memory of the majority of perfons living, excited the highest apprehenfion and alarm. And these claims, however futile in themfelves, or with whatever serious mifchief to the ftate attended, were at leaft productive of this good confequence, that they compelled the reigning family perpetually to recur to those great principles of liberty civil and religious on which their own title to the crown was founded. But the annihilation of all competition will too naturally lead to the revival of those high and lofty ideas of regal authority fo flattering to the pride and ambition of kings, but which in this country at least cannot be acted upon but at their utmoft peril. The chevalier left two fons, upon the eldeft of whom devolved that shadow of a fhade, the divine and indefeafible right of fucceffion to the throne of Great Britain. The younger, educated an ecclefiaftic, had been advanced to the purple under the appellation of cardinal of York; and he is at this moment the last surviving male of the ancient and royal houfe of Stuart, which, having been precipitated from the height of regal fovereignty in confequence of its attachVOL. I. G ment ment to the catholic faith, thus, to clofe and confummate its glories, "pays the laft tribute of a faint to heaven." The parliament of England was convened at the usual period of the enfuing winter, and early in the year 1765 the question respecting American taxation was revived with redoubled warmth and vigor. The indulgence of the minifter in deferring the impofition of the ftamp duties till the prefent year, had not produced any advances towards an ac commodation. The difference of principle occafioned by the agitation of this new and dangerous queftion, was in fact far too great to admit of any amicable compromise. Numerous petitions or memorials were tranfmitted from the different colonies, none of them exprefsly admitting, but the majority on the contrary pofitively denying, the right of the British legiflature to impofe any tax for the purpofe of raifing a colonial revenue, at the difpofal of the British parliament, and payable into the British exche quer. On the part of the colonifts it was urged, that the claim of England was not only abfolutely novel, but diametrically oppofite to the spirit and letter of the English constitution, which has established as a fundamental axiom-that taxation is infeparably attached to representation-that as the colonies were not, and from local and political obstacles could not, be reprefented in the British parliament, it would be of the very effence of tyranny to attempt to ex ercife an authority over them, which from its very nature muft lead to grofs and inevitable abufe. For when Great Britain was in full poffeffion of the power now contended for, could it poffibly be imagined, when a fum of money for the fupply of the exigencies of government was wanting, that the British parliament would not rather choose to vote, that it should be paid by the colonifts, than by themfelves and their conftituents? In reply to the argument which stated as highly reafonable that America fhould contribute her proportion to the general general expence of the empire, it was faid, "that America had never been deficient in contributing, at the conftitutional requifition of the crown, in her own affemblies, to the utmost of her ability, towards the expences of the wars in which conjointly with England she had been involvedthat, in the courfe of the laft memorable conteft, large fums had been repeatedly voted by parliament, as an indemnification to the colonies for exertions which were allowed to be difproportionate to their means and resources* --that the proper compensation to Britain for the expence of rearing and protecting her colonies was the monopoly of their trade, the abfolute direction and regulation of which was univerfally acknowledged to be inherent in the British legislature." It was however clearly intimated, that a specific fum in lieu of all other claims might be obtained from the colonies, if accepted as a voluntary offering, not as a revenue extorted by a tyrannical and lawlefs force, which left them no merit in giving, and which might ultimately leave them nothing to give. The argument or pretext which appeared to excite moft indignation in the breaft of the Americans and of their advocates, was that which affected to deem them already reprefented; and as being, if not actually, yet virtually included in the general fyftem of reprefentation, in the fame manner as that very large proportion of the inhabitants of the British ifland who have no votes in the election of members or representatives in the British parliament. G 2 "The * In the month of February 1756, the fum of 115,000l. was voted by parliament, as a free gift and reward to the colonies of New England, New York, and Jersey, for their paft fervices; and as an encouragement to continue to exert themselves with vigor; May 1757, 50,000l. was in like manner voted to the Carolinas; and in 1758, 41,000l. to the Maffachusetts and Connecticut. April 1709, 200,000l. were voted as a compenfation to the refpective colonies in North America-March 1760, 200,0091.-1761, 200,000l.-—-1762, 133,000l.-in all, one million feventy-two thousand' pounds. Exclufive, however, of thefe indemnifications, and of the extraordinary fupplies granted in the different colonial affemblies, a debt of above two millions and a half had been incurred by America during the war; and this debt was far from being as yet liquidated. But it might be inferred from the conduct of the present miniftry, that the most trivial revenue extorted from America was deemed preferable to the largest fums freely and voluntarily granted. "The very effence of reprefentation," faid America, “ con fifts in this that the reprefentative is himself placed in a fituation analogous to those whom he reprefents, fo that he fhall be himself bound by the laws which he is entrusted to enact, and liable to the taxes which he is authorised to impofe. This is precifely the cafe with regard to the nati→ onal representation of Britain. Those who do, and those who do not elect, together with the elected body themfelves, are, in respect to this grand and indifpenfable requifite, upon a perfect equality—that the laws made and the taxes impofed extend alike to all. Where then in this cafe is the danger of oppreffion, or where the inducement to opprefs? But in the cafe of American taxation, thefe mock reprefentatives actually relieve themfelves in the very fame proportion that they burden thofe whom they falfely and ridiculously pretend to reprefent. Where then in this cafe. is the fecurity against oppreffion? or where is the man for weak and prejudiced as not to fee the irrefiftible tendency of this fyftem to oppreffion, however honeft and upright candor would reprefent the intentions of those by whom it should be originally established?” It is painful to reflect how little influence thefe clear and irrefragable reasonings had in an affembly fo intelligent and dignified as that of the parliament of Great Britain. Jealous in the highest degree, in common with all other bodies of men in whom power is vefted, of the flightest violation of their authority, they unanimously concurred, however divided on other points, in not fuffering the memorials which queftioned their jurisdiction to be read in the house of commons, The Minifter indeed propofed, that the colonial agents might be indulged in being heard at the bar of the houfe by counfel, contrary to the ufual parliamentary practice, against the tax, in behalf of their refpective colonies; but this was refufed as derogatory to the honor of the colonies, who would not on this occafion petition, but proteft: and the STAMP ACT, after paffing through |