is directed by the rubric to be read by the priest, I think a deacon properly omits it; but instead of reading a collect in its place, I think he ought to have a priest in the church to pronounce the Absolution. But if deacons for this reason omit the Absolution, I cannot discover by what authority they read many other parts of the ordinary service; for instance, the early part of the Communion Service, the Services of Matrimony, and the Burial of the Dead, &c.; throughout which the rubric in some places directs the versicles and prayers to be read by the minister, and in others by the priest. It appears to me that the Absolution (which deacons omit) and other parts of the service (which they read) are placed on the same foundation in this respect; and if they ought to be read only by priests, as directed by the rubric, (which I cannot help thinking they should be, otherwise the rubric is a dead letter), deacons cannot, as they constantly do, officiate without assistance. If, on the other hand, the distinction be not made through regard to the rubric, but

in consequence of the nature of the prayers &c. themselves, I can see no reason why a deacon may not read the Absolution; for he does not thereby, like a popish priest, absolve the people, but merely says, that "God pardoneth them that truly repent." The blessing, I think, stands on a different ground, and a deacon is not commissioned to pronounce it.

Any information on this subject, and also as to whether a deacon must not, as the law now stands, remain such during a whole year, will much oblige your constant reader. X. X.

Tothe Editorofthe Christian Observer.

WHY is the officiating minister directed by our church to stand during the whole of the Communion Service, except at the General Confession, the Prayer of Address, and at the time of his own receiving? Is not this posture contrary to the usual observance of our church? An answer would greatly oblige

C. I. A.

NEGRO SLAVERY.-No. III.

EEFECTS OF MANUMISSION.

Ir has been argued by some WestIndian planters, that the effect of emancipating their slaves would be, that, having no stimulus to labour, such as arises from the artificial wants of civilized society, they would soon revert to their former habits of savage life, and, abandoning the ways of peaceful and regular labour, would have recourse to plunder and violence for subsistence; and that, even if this anticipation were not realized, the West-Indian colonies would be lost to the mother country, and could be of no farther value to it, in a commercial point of view.

It

A satisfactory reply to this argument will be found in the Appendix to a work entitled "Substance of the Debate in the House of Commons, on the 15th May, 1823," &c. lately published. may be convenient, however, to give, in a succinct form, the particulars of that reply, with a view to satisfy our readers that the dangers to be apprehended, from a wise and temperate system of emancipation, are by no means so formidable as they have been represented to be.

The case of Sierra Leone is here very much in point. The wants of the fifteen thousand savages introduced into that colony, and put in possesion of their liberty,

were at least as few as the wants of the slaves in the West Indies can be supposed to be. Men drawn from the suffocating hold of a slaveship; naked as at their birth, excepting their chains and fetters; accustomed only to a scanty portion of rice and water daily, would regard as luxuries even the hut and food and clothing of the West-Indian slave. ́Africa, too, is to the full as productive as the West Indies, and rewards with equal abundance the toil of the labourer. But has the conduct of these emancipated slaves, though thus unfavourably situated, according to the West-Indian hypothesis, given any countenance to it? On the contrary, they have voluntarily preferred to their native [forests the abodes of civilized life, though they knew that they must purchase its enjoyments with the sweat of their brow. Instead of resuming their former habits, they have been daily advancing in the habits of peaceful industry and of civil subordination; they have not had recourse to plunder and violence, but to regular labour, for their subsistence; and the majority of them have renounced, and the rest are gradually renouncing, their African superstitions, for the pure and self-denying doctrines of Christianity. Why should we assume that the case would be different in the West Indies, where of course a train of civilizing and Christianizing measures would accompany every step of the progress towards emancipa

tion.

In St. Domingo also, notwithstanding the atrocities of which it was long the theatre, the emancipated slaves settled down, under the government of Toussaint Louverture, into industrious citizens. The testimony of the French functionaries residing in St. Domingo at the time-General Vincent, General La Croix, and Colonel Malenfant-is express and unequivocal as to the astonishing state of prosperity to which the island had then been reCHRIST. OBSERV. No. 263.

stored, and the order which reigned in every department of its administration. Would St. Domingo, under these circumstances, have been of no value to France, had France been wise enough to cherish the freedom of the Negroes, instead of vainly attempting to crush it? On the contrary, would she not at this very moment have been possessed of a far more formidable West-Indian power, and a far more extensive West-Indian commerce, than we now possess. Such, it may be presumed, would have been the case, had not Bonaparte attempted, in 1802, to restore the whip among them; an attempt which led to the renewal, with increased fury, of all the former atrocities, and to the interruption of all agricultural pursuits. Still, however, the Haytians have not reverted to the habits of savages. On the contrary, they are improving in the arts of civilized life; they are protected by equal laws; they are engaged in the prosecution of commerce and agriculture; and they competently discharge the duties attaching to them as members of a well regulated community. Even after all the devastations which that island has undergone, and under all the serious disadvantages which it still experiences, besides maintaining a large and growing population in the overflowing abundance of all the necessaries of life, and defraying all the expense of civil and military establishments and of education also, it carries on a very considerable foreign commerce. In the year ending September 1821, 50,000 tons of shipping, belonging to the United States alone, were employed in the trade of Hayti.

These are instances on a large scale. The following is of a different description.—

In the year 1776, Samuel Nottingham, a Quaker, who became possessed of a small estate in Tortola, to which were attached, twenty-five Negroes-namely, six men, ten women, four boys, and five girls, de4 X

termined on manumitting them. He accordingly did manumit them by the following deed :—

"Be it remembered, that whereas I, Samuel Nottingham, of Long Island in the province of New York, gentleman, am owner, or reputed owner, of a number of Negroes, on the island of Tortola, in the English West Indies; and considering that liberty is their right and property, which in equity, justice, and good conscience ought to be restored to them; and having a testimony in my heart against the iniquitous practice of enslaving our fellowmen; therefore, as far as in me lies, I conclude it necessary for me to grant unto the said Negroes their natural right of freedom; and, accordingly, I have granted, and by these presents, in consideration of five pounds sterling to me by the said Negroes paid at and before the sealing of this instrument, and for divers other good causes and considerations me thereto moving, do grant, bargain, sell, release, assure, and confirm, unto all and every of the said Negroes, their liberty and freedom, as fully and amply as though herein particularly and respectively stated. And moreover, I, the said Samuel Nottingham, do covenant and grant, for myself, my heirs, executors, and administrators, to and with the said Negroes respectively, that they, and each of them, shall and may enjoy their freedom, and any estate real or personal which they, or any of them, may acquire, without the let, suit, hindrance, or molestation of me or my heirs, or any person or persons claiming, or to claim, by, from, or under me or them; hereby quitting all claim and demand to them and their posterity. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 30th day of the 6th month, 1776.

(Signed) "Samuel Nottingham. "Sealed and delivered in the presence of us,

"Nicholas Waln,

"Sarah Waln."

About six years afterwards, Mr. Nottingham addressed to one of these slaves the following letter.

Bristol, 30th of 9th Month, 1782. "Dear George,-Thy letter of the 8th of last 6th month we received; and it was well pleasing to us to hear of the present good disposition of thyself and the rest of our late servants, whose welfare and happiness both here and hereafter we have much at heart; but we are sorry to hear of the removal of poor John Venture, and Harry, though not without hopes of their partaking of that mercy which is extended to all, without respect of persons, whether white or black. So, George, remember, what we write to thee we write to all of you who once called us master and mistress; but now you are all free, as far as it is in our power to make you so, because none are free indeed, except they are free in Christ; therefore, we admonish you, not as your master and mistress, but as your friends and benefactors, beseeching you to be cautious of your conduct and circumspect in your behaviour to all, that none may accuse you of abusing that freedom which we, in the course of Divine Providence, have been permitted to give you. Remember also, that, as free men and women, ye stand accountable for every part of your conduct, and must answer for the same in your own persons, if you do amiss; in which case the laws where you are have provided a punishment, according to the nature of the offence; but do well, and ye shall have praise of the same. And that you may be enabled to live honestly among men, we have given you our East-End plantation, in Fat-hog bay, with every thing thereunto belonging; which we will endeavour to have secured to you by all lawful ways and means, that none may deprive you or your offspring of it, but that you may freely cultivate and improve it to your own benefit and advantage, and thereby be provided with a sufficient subsistence

to live comfortably together, in all friendliness and cordiality; assisting each other, that those more advanced in years may advise the younger, and these submit to the counsel of the elder; so that good order and harmony may be preserved among you, which will assuredly draw down the blessing of the Most High. But if you have not wherewithal to cultivate and improve the plantation yourselves, we advise you to hire yourselves for a season to whom you please, as also the plantation, if you think it necessary, till you acquire a sufficiency to go on yourselves; but in every step you take of this kind, always remember the good of the whole.

And as soon as you can make a beginning on the plantation yourselves, with cotton and provisions, we would by all means have you to do it, that you may not be scattered and too much divided; but endeavour to dwell together, and be content with food and raiment; and a blessing will certainly attend you under the influence of such a disposition.-Tell Dorcas Vanterpool we are much obliged to her for her friendly care and attendance of poor John Venture and Harry, during their sickness.-We shall be pleased to hear how you go on by any opportunity, and that you cautiously maintain a good report among the neighbours. Live in love among yourselves, and the peace of Him who passeth all understanding will assuredly be with you and yours; which we earnestly desire and pray for, being your sincere friends and well-wishers,

(Signed) "Samuel Nottingham. (Signed) "Mary Nottingham." "To George Nottingham, one

of the Negroes belonging
to the East-End Plantation,
late the property of Samuel
Nottingham, at Fat-hog Bay,
in Tortola."

In the year 1822, this little colony of free persons was visited several times by two highly respecta ble gentlemen; on whose authority

we are enabled to state the following particulars :-" Of the original persons liberated, nine are still alive; besides whom there are twenty-five of their children, and nine grand-children; making in all forty-three persons. The whole of them reside on the same plantation, which they have ever since cultivated. Half of it is chiefly in provisions; and the rest is used as pasturage for their stock, which consists of twenty-eight cows, thirteen goats, and thirteen hogs. Formerly they cultivated cotton; but the price falling very low, they did not continue to plant it. Jeffrey Nottingham, one of those originally emancipated, exclusively of his share in the plantation and stock, possesses five acres of land and a house in Spanishtown, and a vessel of twenty-three feet keel. Diana and Eve (born since 1776) have each a boat of seventeen and fourteen feet keel. For some years the seasons were so bad that they found it difficult to get water for their stock, and they had little return for their labour: but still they had been able to support themselves, and to acquire the property mentioned above, while they increased in number from twentyfive to forty-three. Not one of them is now in debt: and their property is free from all incumbrance. Twelve of the grown-up persons are members of the Methodist society, and, with their children, attend regularly the Methodist chapel at East-End, except in case of sickness. During the whole period since their emancipation none of them have been sued in court, or brought before a magistrate to answer to any complaint. Only one of them once obtained a warrant against a person who had assaulted him, who begged his pardon and was forgiven. The same person, on coming from sea, was arrested the day he landed for a capitation tax on free persons, of which he had not been apprized, and put into prison. The next day he paid the money, about eighteen dollars, and

was released. Several of them can read and write. Jeffry's wife, Grace, acts as schoolmistress: she reads well. They have lately built three houses in their village, of wood, and shingled. The whole of their houses had been destroyed by the hurricane of 1819, and have since been rebuilt. They are a fine healthy race, all black, having intermarried with each other, and seem to dwell very happily together."

Now, may not the question be here fairly put, Whether it would have been more advantageous for the interests either of the individuals or of the state, that Mr. Nottingham's twenty-five slaves should have continued slaves (liable to all the risks of inhuman owners and overseers, and all the other evils of that condition, and particularly to that progressive diminution of their numbers which has been the common fate of the slaves in almost all our colonies, and among the rest in Tortola); or that they should have been living free and in comfort for nearly fifty years, during which they have accumulated some property, and have increased from twenty-five to forty-three? And, as far as advantage to this country goes, we will venture to say that the fortythree Nottinghams consume more of British produce and manufactures in a year, and promote the traffic of Tortola itself more, than three times the number of slaves would do. But it will be said, This is a single instance. True: but why is it so? Not because there are not many slaves who would have equally rewarded the benevolence of their masters, but because there has been but ONE NOTTINGHAM.

Here, however, an objector may very fairly remark,-" The conduct of Mr. Nottingham is very highly creditable to his humanity; but he was probably in circumstances to admit of the sacrifice which he made of his property in these slaves it is most unfair, however, to cite it as an example which other West-Indians ought to imi

:

tate. The public ought not to expect that similar sacrifices should be made by the proprietors of slaves generally; and if it is wished that the whole of the slave population of the West Indies should attain the same free and happy state which has been described, the public, who sanctioned their slavery, ought to pay the cost of their emancipation." All that needs be said in answer to this objection is, That we believe the public would most cheerfully bear the burden of such a charge; and that we trust some method will be devised whereby the desired object may be accomplished without loss to any slave-holder. None, we are persuaded, would more cordially concur in such a plan than the advocates of Negro freedom.

In reply to the slanders which are frequently vented against the free Black and Coloured population of the West Indies, as if they were the most idle, licentious, and worthless of mankind, and as standing even below the slaves in respectability, we would refer to certain proceedings which have recently taken place in the island of Grenada, and which are equally honourable to the class of persons in question, and to the White inhabitants of the colony.

On the 7th of last June, a petition was presented to the Legislature of Grenada, from certain persons, in behalf of themselves and of the whole free Coloured population of the island, praying for a redress of their grievances, and an admission to the civil privileges of British subjects. The petition was founded on the following memorial, which they had previously prepared for the information of his Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry into the Administration of Justice in the Colonies, namely,

"Gentlemen,-We, his Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, the free Coloured inhabitants of the island of Grenada, beg leave to lay before you, in your official capacity, a representation of several grievances