That Thomas Gremner, turner, of Dychingham, is perfect in that sect and law.

John Clark the younger, of Bergh, had the bedding and apparel of William Everden in his custody, after the return of William White from Bergh, and is of the same sect.

Also William Bate, tailor, of Sething, and his wife, and his son, who can read English very well, are of the

same sect.

Also William Skirving of Sething, received Joan the wife of William White into his house, being brought thither by William Everden, after their departure from Martham.

Also William Osbourn of Sething, John Reve, glover, and Bawdwin Cooper of Beckles, are of the same sect. Also John Pert, late servant of Thomas Moon, is of the same sect, and can read well, and did read in the presence of William White, and was the first that brought Sir Hugh Pie into the company of the Lollards, who assembled oftentimes together at the house of Thomas Moon, and there conferred upon their doctrine. Also Sir Hugh Pie bequeathed to Alice, servant to William White, a New Testament, which they then called the book of the new law, and was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.

John Perker, mercer, of a village by Ipswich, is a famour doctor of that sect. Also he said, that father Abraham of Colchester is a good man.

Also the said William Wright deposes, that it is read in the prophesies amongst the Lollards, that the sect of the Lollards shall be in a manner destroyed; notwithstanding at length the Lollards shall prevail and have the victory against all their enemies.

Also he said that Tucke knows all of that sect in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex.

Besides these, there were many others the same year, whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolk men, here for brevity's sake we omit to treat of, passing over to the next year, which was 1430. [Ex Regist. Norw.]

John Burrel, servant to Thomas Moon of Ludney, in the diocese of Norwich, was apprehended and arrested for heresy, the ninth day of September, in this year (A.D. 1430,) and examined by Mr. William Bernham, the bishop's commissary, upon the articles before mentioned, and others.

That the catholic church is the soul of every good christian man.

That no man is bound to fast in Lent or other fasting days appointed by the church, for they were not appointed by God, but ordained by the priests; and that every man may eat flesh or fish upon the same days indifferently, according to his own will, and every Friday is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.

That pilgrimage ought not to be made, but only to the poor.

That it is not lawful to swear, but in case of life and death.

That masses and prayers for the dead are but vain; for the souls of the dead are either in heaven or hell: and there is none other place of purgatory but this world. Upon which articles he being convicted, was forced to abjure, and suffered a similar penance as the others before had done.

Thomas Moon of Ludney was apprehended and attached for suspicion of heresy, against whom were objected by the bishop the articles before written, but especially this article, that he had familiarity and communication with several heretics, and had received, comforted, supported, and maintained several of them, as Sir William White, Sir Hugh Pie, Thomas Pet, and William Callis, priests, with many more; upon which articles he being convicted before the bishop was forced to abjure, and received the penance, in like manner as before.

In like manner, Robert Grigges of Martham was brought before the bishop the seventeenth day of February, in the year aforesaid, for holding and affirming

the aforesaid articles, but especially these hereafter following.

That the sacrament of confirmation, ministered by the bishop did avail nothing to salvation.

That it was no sin to withstand the ordinances of the church of Rome.

That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and that the bread and water were the worse for the conjurations and characters which the priests made over them.

Upon which articles he being convicted, was forced to abjure, and received penance in manner and form as the others had done before him.

The like also (though somewhat more sharp) happened unto John Finch of Colchester, the twentieth day of Sep. tember, who although he was of the diocese of London, being suspected of heresy, was attached in Ipswich in the diocese of Norwich, and brought before the bishop there, before whom he being convicted of the articles, as all the others before him, was enjoined penance, three disciplinings in solemn procession about the cathedral church of Norwich, three several Sundays, and three disciplinings about the market-place of Norwich, three principal market-days, his head and neck and feet being bare, and his body covered only with a short shirt or vesture, having in his hand a taper of wax of a pound weight, which, the next Sunday after his penance, he should offer to the Trinity; and that for the space of three years after, every Ash-Wednesday and MaundayThursday, he should appear in the cathedral church at Norwich, before the bishop or his vicegerent, to do open penance amongst the other penitentiaries for his offences.

About the same time, even the same year, 1430, shortly after the solemn coronation of King Henry VI., a certain man named Richard Hoveden, a wool-winder, and citizen of London, received the crown of martyrdom. Which man when he could by no persuasions be withdrawn or plucked back from the opinions of Wickliff, he was by the rulers of the church condemned for heresy: and as Fabian writes, burned hard by the Tower of London.

Nicolas, Canon of Eye.

Now to proceed in our account of the persecution of Norfolk and Suffolk, we find that in the year 1431, Nicolas, canon of Eye, was brought before the bishop of Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with witnesses sworn to depose against him, which witnesses appointed one Wil. liam Christopher to speak, and he deposed as follows:

First, that on Easter-day, when all the parishioners went about the church of Eye solemnly in procession, as the manner was, this Nicolas Canon, as it were, mocking and deriding the other parishioners, went about the church the contrary way, and met the pro

cession.

This article he confessed, and affirmed that he thought he did well in so doing.

Again, Nicolas asked of Master John Colman, of Eye, this question, "Master Colman, what think you of the sacrament of the altar?" Colman answered, "I think that the sacrament of the altar is very God, and very man, the very flesh and very blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the form of bread and wine." To whom Nicolas in derision said, "Truly, if the sacrament of the altar be very God and very man, and the very body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, then very God and very man may be put in a small space; as when it is in the priest's mouth. And why may not we laymen as well eat flesh upon Fridays, and all other prohibited days, as the priest to eat the flesh and drink the blood of our Lord every day indifferently?" Nicolas thought he had

spoken well in that matter.

Also, that on Corpus Christi day, at the elevation of high mass, when all the parishioners and strangers kneeled down, holding up their hands, and doing reverence to the sacrament, Nicolas went behind a pillar of the church, and turning his face from the high altar, mocked them that did reverence to the sacrament.

This article he also acknowledging affirmed that he believeth himself to do well in so doing.

Also, when his mother would have him to lift up his right hand, and cross himself from the crafts and assaults of the devil, when he deferred doing so, his mother took up his right hand, and crossed him, saying, "In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen;" and then Nicolas immediately deriding his mother's blessing, took up his right hand of his own accord, and blessed himself otherwise. This article Nicolas acknowledged to be true.

Also, that upon Allhallows-day, in the time of elevation of high mass, when many of the parishioners of Eye lighted many torches, and carried them up to the high altar, kneeling down there in reverence and honour of the sacrament, Nicolas carrying a torch went up to the high altar, and standing behind the priest's back, saying mass, at the time of the elevation stood upright upon his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward the people, and would do no reverence to the sacrament. This article he acknowledged, affirming, that he thought he had done well in that behalf. All which articles the bishop's commissary caused to be copied out, word for word, and sent to Master William Worsted, prior of the cathedral church of Norwich, and to other doctors of divinity, that they might deliberate upon them, and shew their minds between that and Thursday next following. Upon which Thursday, Nicolas was again examined upon two other articles, that he doubted whether in the sacrament of the altar were the very body of Christ or no. This article he confessed before the com

missary to be true.

Also, that he believed that a man ought not to confess his sins to a priest. This article he also confessed that he doubted upon.

Now remains to declare what these doctors concluded upon the articles; whose answer was this.

First of all, as to the first article, they said that the article in the terms as it was propounded, is not simply an heresy, but an error.

Also, as to the second article, the doctors agree as in the first.

Also, as to the third article, they affirm that it is an heresy. To the fourth article, they answered as to the first and second.

Also, the doctors affirm the fifth article to be an heresy. Also, as to the sixth article, the doctors conclude, that if the said Nicolas, being of perfect mind and remembrance, did doubt whether the sacrament of the altar were the very perfect body of Christ or no, then the article is simply an heresy.

Upon this, the commissary declared and pronounced Nicolas to be an heretic, and forced him to abjure; and enjoined Nicolas penance for his offences, three disciplinings about the cloister of the cathedral church of Norwich, before a solemn procession, bare-headed and barefoot, carrying a taper of half-a-pound in his hand.

Thomas Bagley, priest.

Paul Craw, a Bohemian.

:

secution, which first began in England after it had long raged here against many good and godly men, brake out and passed into Bohemia, and after a short time, increasing by little and little, invaded Scotland, and now, with greater force and violence, this furious devouring flame entered Italy, and suffered not any part of the world to be free from the murder aud slaughter of good and godly men. It happened about his time that one Thomas Rhedon, a Carmelite friar, came with the Venetian ambassadors into Italy. This man, although he was a Carmelite, yet understood the word of God, judging that God ought not to be worshipped neither in that mount, nor at Jerusalem only, but in spirit and truth. This man being a true Carmelite, prepared himself to go into Italy, trusting that he should find there, some by whose good life he might be edified and instructed. For where ought more abundance of virtue to be, than in that place which is counted to be the fountain of all religion? And how could it otherwise be, but that where so great holiness is professed, where all men's eyes are bent as upon a stage, where St. Peter's seat is, and which is thought to be the ruler and governor of all the church, all things should flourish and abound worthy of so great a place? This holy man, having these things before his eyes, forsook his own country, and went to Rome, conceiving a firm and sure hope that by the example of so many notable and worthy men, he should greatly profit in godliness and learning: but the success of the matter utterly frustrated his hope, for all things were clean contrary. Whatever he saw was nothing else but mere dissimulation and hypocrisy. Instead of heavenly gifts, there reigned among them the pomp and pride of the world in place of godliness, riot: instead of learning and study, slothfulness and superstition. Tyranny and haughtiness of mind had possessed the place of apostolic simplicity: that now there remained no more any place or liberty for a man to learn that which he knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly understood. Finally, all things were reversed-all things happened contrary to his expectation. But nothing so much offended this good man's mind, as the intolerable ambition and pompous pride in them, whom an example of humility should especially commend and praise to the whole world. And, although he saw nothing which accorded with the rule of the apostles, yet these things so much passed all measure and patience, that he could by no means refrain his tongue in so much abuse and corruption of the church, seeing such ambitious pride in their buildings, apparel, in their palaces, in their dainty fare, in their great trains of servants, in their horse and armour, and finally in all things. Which things, so far as they differed from the prescribed rule of the gospel, so much the more was this good man forced to speak; although he well understood how little he should prevail by speaking: for if admonition would profit any thing at all, the books of Wickliff, and others were not wanting. The famous testimonies of John Huss, and of Jerome of Prague, and their blood shed for the same, was yet present before their eyes: at whose most effectual exhortations, they were so little corrected and amended, that they seemed twice more cruel than they were before. Yet all this could not terrify this good man. So by this means, he who came to be a scholar to others, was now forced to be their teacher: and he who determined to follow other men's lives and manners, had now, on the other hand, set before them his life to be marked and followed. For he lived so among them, that his life might be a rule to them all, and so taught, as he might also be their schoolmaster. For even as Paul had foreshewn to such as desired to live godly in Christ, that they should suffer persecution, such reward happened to this man. He gave to them the fruit of godliness, which they should follow: they again set upon his head the diadem of martyrdom. He shewed them the way of salvation; and they for the benefit of life, rewarded him with death: and whereas no rewards had been worthy of his great labours and troubles, they with most extreme ignominy persecuted him even unto the fire. For when by continual preaching he had gotten great envy and hatred, the rulers began to consult together by what

means they might circumvent this man's life. Here they had recourse to their accustomed remedies: for it was a peculiar and continual custom among the prelates of the church, that if any man did displease them, or that his talk was not according to their mind, or by any means hurtful, or a hindrance to their lucre and gain, by and by they frame out articles of some heresy, which they charge him withal. And like as every living thing has his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himself from harm, as nature hath armed the boar with his tusks, the hedgehog with his prickles, as the lion is feared for his claws, the dog for his biting, the bull fights with his horns, neither doth the ass lack his hoofs to strike withal; even so this is the only armour of the bishops, to strangle a man with heresy, if he once go about to mutter against their will and ambition; which thing may be easily perceived and seen in this most holy man, beside a great number of others. Who when he began to wax grievous unto them, and could no longer be suffered, what did they do? Straightways flew to their old devices, and as they had done with Huss, and Jerome of Prague, even so they went about to practise against this man. They overwhelm him with suspicion, they seek to entangle him with questions, they examine him in judgment, they compile articles against him, and lay heresy to his charge, they condemn him as an heretic, and being so condemned, they destroy and kill him! This was their godliness: this was the peaceable order of those Carmelites. Whose religion was to wear no sword nor shield, yet they bore in their hearts malice, rancour, vengeance, poison, craft, and deceit, sharper than any sword. With how great care and policy is it provided by law, that none of these clergymen should fight with sword in the streets? when in judgment and accusations there is no murderer who has more ready vengeance, or that does more vilely esteem his brother's soul than they. They shed no blood themselves, they strike not, nor kill, but they deliver them over to others to be slain! What difference is there I pray you, but that they are the authors, and the other are but the ministers of the cruel act? they kill no man as murderers do. How then? Although not after the same sort, yet they do it by other means.

The articles which they falsely gathered against this man, are affirmed by some to be these:

That the church lacks reformation, and that it shall be punished and reformed.

That infidels, Jews, Turks, and Moors, shall be converted to Christ in the latter days.

That abominations are used at Rome. That the unjust excommunication of the pope is not to be feared; and those which do not observe the same, do not sin or offend.

which council Martin his predecessor had before intended to assemble, according to the direction of the council of Constance. Eugenius, however, perceiving afterward that this council of Basil would not favour him and his doings, and fearing some injury, afterwards laboured by all subtle practice to dissolve and interrupt the council, and to translate it first from Basil to Ferrara, then to Florence, nearer to his own see of Rome. Concerning which council of Basil, as we have begun here to make mention, it will be no great digression to discourse something more at large, so much as shall seem sufficient or necessary to be known.

THE ORDER AND MANNER OF THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.

With the principal matters concluded therein, briefly collected and abridged here in this present book. In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Constance, it was decreed and provided concerning such general councils as should hereafter follow :-That the first that should ensue, should be assembled the fifth year after the council of Constance that the second should be held the seventh year after that, and so all others to follow successively every tenth year. Wherefore, according to this decree, there followed a general council five years after the council of Constance, celebrated and held at Siene, under Pope Martin, A.D. 1424, but it soon broke up. After which council, the term of seven years being expired, another council was held at Basil, A.D. 1431, which council is noted to have been the most troublesome, and to have endured longer than any other council before celebrated and held in the church. This council continued almost the space of seventeen years, wherein it was concluded, as in the council of Constance, that the general councils were above the pope, and both of these two councils attri buted to the general council the chief authority in decreeing, and determining, which is the reason that the opposite party derogate so much from the authority of this council.

When Pope Martin V. had appointed Julian cardinal and deacon of St. Angelo, his legate, to celebrate and hold a general council at Basil, for the reformation of the church, and rooting out of heresies, within a short space afterwards Pope Martin died. Eugenius IV. succeeded, and confirmed to Cardinal Julian the same authority which his predecessor had given him. To this council of Basil came the Emperor Sigismund, who during his life, with his presence and authority, protected and defended the synod. After the emperor's death, Pope Eugenius altering his mind and purpose, wished to remove the council to Bononia, and thus check the council of Basil. And first he held an opposition council at Ferrara, and afterwards at Florence. For, after the death of the Emperor Sigismund, there were no princes nor noblemen that had any care or regard for the council. Eugenius cited Cardinal Julian, and the fathers of the council, to Bononia, under a great penalty. They again cited the pope, that either he should come himself to the council, or send ambassadors under the like penalty. For this cause the ambassadors of Albert king of the Romans, and of the other princes of Germany, assembled together first at Nuremburg; and when they could determine nothing there, they assembled again at Frankfort to appease the dissension between the council and the pope for it was thought that the electors of the empire could best assemble and meet in that place in the meantime the emperor's ambassadors, and the ambassadors of the electors went to Basil, and having conference with the ambassadors of the other princes who were there, they ear

After the death of Pope Martin, who reigned fourteen years, Eugenius IV. succeeded, about the year A.D. 1431. Of whom Antonius thus writes, that he was much given to wars, as his conflicts and fighting with the Romans may declare; also the battles between the Venetians and the Florentines.

This pope began first to celebrate the council of Basil,

would embrace the unity which they would offer. The request of the princes was, that the fathers would transport the council, and go unto another place; which was the very thing Pope Eugenius seemed always to seek and desire, that he might either divide the fathers of the council, or take away their liberty.

This sacred synod however, thought good neither to deny the princes' request, nor to grant what Pope Euge

nius required. During this doubt, the emperor's ambassadors, the bishops of Patavia and Augusta, appointed a noble and valiant baron called Conrad Weinsperge, by the king's command to be protector and defender of the council and the fathers. By which the enemies perceived the emperor to be alienated from the pope, and the fathers of the council understood his good-will towards them, as he would not have sent them a protector if he had not judged it a lawful council; neither would he have judged it a council in Basil, if he had given credit to Pope Eugenius. But owing to a great pestilence which began to spread there, the assembly that should have been held at Frankfort was transported unto Mentz.

The assembly was very famous, for there were present the archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves, electors of the sacred empire, and all the ambassadors of the other electors. The archbishop of Cologne was the chief favourer of the council in this assembly, who with all his labour and diligence went about to bring the matter unto a good end. Rabanus, the archbishop of Treves, shewed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred synod also thought good to send their ambassadors, and appointed the patriarch of Aquileia, the bishop of Vicene, and the bishop of Argen; divines, John Segovius, and Thomas de Corcellis, with others. There was no man there present who would name himself the ambassador of Eugenius, although there were many of his favourers and friends, both from the council, and also out of Florence, who although they had sworn to the contrary, yet favoured Eugenius more than the council. But the chief Hercules of all the Eugenians was Nicolas Cusan, a man singularly well learned, and of great experience. After several consultations, the electors of the empire, and the ambassadors of the other princes of Germany, gave command throughout their whole nation and country, that the decrees of the council of Basil should be received and observed.

Whilst these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a certain very doubtful question among the divines who remained at Basil, whether Eugenius might be called an heretic, who had so rebelliously contemned the commandments of the church. They gathered themselves together, disputing long among themselves, some affirming, and others holding the negative part. Upon this there arose three several opinions, some affirming that he was an heretic; others, not only an heretic, but also a relapse. The third sort would neither grant him to be an heretic nor a relapse. Among these divines, the chief and principal both in learning and authority, was the bishop of Ebrun, ambassador of the king of Castile, and a certain Scottish abbot, who, as two most valiant champions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest either consented to their arguments, or gave place to them, and so their determination took place, and Eugenius was pronounced both an heretic and relapse. Eight conclusions were there determined and allowed amongst the divines, which they called verities, a copy of which they published throughout all Christendom.

When the ambassadors of the council were returned from Mentz, by the commandment of the deputies, all the masters, and doctors, and clergy were called together, with all the other prelates, into the chapter of the great church, there openly to dispute and discuss Eugenius' heresy. This disputation continued six days, both forenoon and afternoon, among whom Cardinal Lewis, archbishop of Arelata, was appointed judge and arbiter, who, besides many other notable virtues, was both valiant and constant. Nicholas Amici, who was also a protector of the faith, a famous man among the divines of Paris, demanded of every man what their opinion was. John Deinlefist, public notary, wrote every man's sentence and judgment. The conclusions of the divines, which were the ground and foundation of their disputation, were these here following:

1. It is a verity of the catholic faith, that the sacred general council hath power over the pope, or any other prelate.

2. The pope cannot by his own authority, either dissolve, transport, or prorogue the general council being lawfully congregated, without the whole consent of the council, and this is of like verity.

3. He who doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be counted an heretic.

4. Pope Eugenius IV. hath resisted these verities, when at the first, by the fulness of his apostolic power, he attempted to dissolve or to transport the council of Basil.

5. Eugenius being admonished by the sacred council, did recant the errors repugnant to these verities.

6. The dissolution or translation of the council, attempted the second time by Eugenius, is against the aforesaid verities, and containeth an inexcusable error touching the faith.

7. Eugenius, in going about to dissolve and transport the council again, is fallen into his before revoked

errors.

8. Eugenius being warned by the syond that he should revoke the dissolution or translation the second time attempted, after that his contumacy was declared, persevering in his rebellion, and erecting a council at Ferraria, shewed himself thereby obstinate.

These were the conclusions which were read in the chapterhouse before the fathers of the council. Upon which, when they were desired to speak their minds, they all in a manner confirmed and allowed them. Archbishop Panormitan, however, disputed much against them. Also the bishop of Burgen, the king of Arragon's almoner. Yet they did not oppose the first three conclusions, but only those in which Pope Eugenius was touched. This Panormitan, as he was subtle, so did he subtlely dispute against the late conclusions, endeavouring himself to declare that Eugenius was not relapsed, and he had great contention with the bishop of Argens, John Segovius, and Francis de Fuxe, divines.

The oration of Panormitan was more praised than allowed of men. Yet it wrought this effect, that afterwards this word "relapse" was taken out of the conclusions, and the word "prolapse" put in. Neither durst Panormitan himself altogether excuse Eugenius of heresy, but defended more the first dissolution than the second, yet he departed not without answer, for John Segovius, an expert divine, rising up, answered him reverently, as was comely for such a prelate.

Segovius could scarcely finish his oration without interruption; for Panormitan, often interrupting him, went to confute now this, and now that reason. Whereupon the bishop of Argens rising up, a man not only eloquent, but also of a stout courage, assailed Panormitan in his reasons and arguments, and put him from his purpose; yet they proceeded so far, that they did not abstain from opprobrious taunts.

When the bishop of Argens chanced to say that the bishop of Rome ought to be the minister of the church, Panormitan could not suffer that: insomuch that he so forgot himself, and his knowledge (which otherwise was great) so failed him, that he was not ashamed to say that the pope was lord over the church. Segovius answered, "Mark (saith he) O Panormitan, what thou sayest; for this is the most honourable title of the bishop of Rome, wherein he calleth himself the servant of the servants of God.' Which is gathered upon this point, when as Christ said unto his disciples, when they demanded of him which of them was the greatest, you know he answered them, The princes of the Gentiles have rule and dominion over them, but amongst you it is not so,' &c. Wherein he utterly prohibits lordship and dominion; and Peter, who was the first vicar of Christ, said, 'Feed the flock of Christ which is committed unto you, providing for them not by compulsion, but willingly;' and immediately after he said, not as lords over God's heritage.' For if Christ, the Son of God, came not to be ministered unto, but to minister and to serve, how then can his vicar have any dominion, or be called lord, as you Panormitan will affirm? the disciple is not above his Master, nor the servant above his Lord. And the Lord himself saith,

Neither be ye called masters: for one is your Master, even Christ. But he that is greatest among you shall be your servant.'" Panormitan, being somewhat disquieted with this answer, the council brake up and departed.

The next day there was a general congregation, and they returned all again to the chapterhouse after dinner, where the archbishop of Lyons, the king's orator, being required to speak his mind, after he had proved Eugenius to be a heretic, he bitterly complained of those that had preferred such a man unto the papacy, and so moved all their hearts who were present, that they altogether with him bewailed the calamities of the universal church. Then the bishop of Burgen, the ambassador of Spain, divided the conclusions into two parts; some he called general, and others personal, disputing very excellently as to the three first conclusions, affirming, that he did in no point doubt of them, but only, that the addition, which made mention of the faith, seemed to be doubtful to him. But upon this point he stayed much, to prove that the council was above the pope. Which, after he had sufficiently proved, both by God's law and man's law, he taught it also by physical reason, alleging Aristotle for witness. He said, "That in every well ordered kingdom it ought especially to be desired, that the whole realm should be of more authority than the king; which, if it happened otherwise, it should not be called a kingdom but a tyranny: so likewise he thinks of the church, that it ought to be of more authority than the prince thereof; that is to say, the pope." His oration he uttered so eloquently, learned, and truly, that all men depended on him, and desired to have him continue his oration.

But when he entered into the other conclusions, he seemed to have forgotten himself, and to be no more the same man that he was; for neither was there the same eloquence in his words, neither gravity in oration, or cheerfulness of countenance; so that if he could have seen himself, he would peradventure greatly have marvelled at himself. Every man might well see and perceive then the power and force of the truth, which ministered matter to him, so long as he spake in the defence thereof. But when he began once to speak against her, she took away even his natural eloquence from him. After this there were long and heated debates about the authority of councils, and about Pope Eugenius, and about the sessions of the council, and certain conclusions which were proposed, these discussions continued for many days; and it happened in them, even as in warlike affairs; for, as there, such as are most valiant and strong, and do most worthy feats, obtain most fame, as in the battle of Troy, Achilles, and Hector were the heroes: so in these spiritual wars and contentions, those who most excel in learning and eloquence, and do more than others, should be most renowned and named: for, on the one part, Panormitan was prince and captain; on the other, Arelatensis: and when all was finally determined, the protector also desired the sacred council, that none should be suffered to bring any weapon to the session which was to be held next day, as he was ready to enforce the safe conduct of the emperor; and, together with the senate of the city, to prohibit all quarrels that would lead to injury.

When the sixteenth day of May was come, all they whom the session pleased, assembled. The ambassadors also of the princes were come together into the quire of the church, to attempt further what they could do; and sending the bishop of Lubeck and Concense, and the dean of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they offered themselves to be present at the session, if the deposing of Pope Eugenius would be deferred four months. Who, when they had received a gentle answer of Arelatensis and the other principals, returning again to the ambassadors, they would only have the first conclusion decreed, and thereupon sent again to Arelatensis: answer was made, "That the chief force did consist in the two other conclusions, and that the council would specially determine upon them. If the ambassadors would not be present, they should understand, that the concord was broken by them, who would not observe

what they had offered." With which answer they departed, and the session began to be celebrated. There was no prelate of Aragon present at it, neither out of Spain, nor out of Italy, only the bishop of Grossetane, and the abbot of Dona, who, for their constancy and steadfast good will toward the universal church, could not be changed from their purpose: but of doctors and other inferiors, there were a great number of Aragons, and almost all the inferiors of Spain and Italy (for the inferiors feared not the princes, as the bishops did) and then the worthy stoutness of the Aragons and Castilians appeared in the inferior sort, who would not shrink away in the necessity of the church. Of the two other nations there were only present twenty bishops. The rest lurked in their lodgings, professing the faith in their hearts, but not in their mouths. Arelatensis seeing beforehand what would come to pass, caused prayers to be made, and after prayers to Almighty God, with tears and lamentation, that he would send them his Holy Spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly comforted and encouraged. This congregation was famous, and although there were not many bishops present, yet all the seats were filled with the bishops, proctors, archdeacons, presidents, priors, priests, and doctors of both laws, which were about the number of four hundred or more amongst whom there was no noise, no chiding, no opprobrious words or contention, but one exhorted another to the profession of the faith, and there appeared a full and whole consent of them all to defend the church. The bishop of Massilia, a nobleman, read the decree, which was attentively hearkened to, and not one word interrupted. When it was ended, "Te Deum laudamus" was sung with great joy and gladness, and so the session dissolved, which was in number the thirtythird session, and amongst all the preceding ones the most quiet and peaceable.

The day following, being the 22d of May, the prince's ambassadors, against all men's expectation, came to the general congregation, by so doing, at the least giving their assent to the session before passed. In celebrating which, if the fathers had erred, it had not been lawful for the princes and ambassadors to have held the council with those fathers. But it was thought that they were touched with remorse of conscience, and even now detested and abhorred what they had done; as it was not hidden to the ambassadors of the empire and France. For the bishop of Lubeck said, That the cause of his absence was, that he was appointed by the emperor's commandment to treat for a peace: wherefore it was not comely for him to be present at any business, whereby he should be vexed or troubled, with whom the peace should be treated." Notwithstanding, he did much commend the session before held, and believed the decree therein promulgated to be most good and holy, and the verities therein contained to be undoubted; and said, "That he would stick thereto both now and ever, even to the death." But the bishop of Tournon, a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for him and his fellows, said, "That he heard how they were evil spoken of, in that they had not honoured their king in that most sacred session, whom it becomes specially to exalt and defend the faith; who also for that cause above all other kings was named most christian, notwithstanding," he said, "that they had a lawful excuse, in that it was convenient that they, who were sent to treat peace, should do nothing whereby their ambassage should be stopped or hindered."

After the bishop of Tournon had made an end, Cardinal Arelatensis gave thanks unto God, who had so defended his church, and after great storms and clouds had sent fair and clear weather; and commending the good will of the emperor and the king of France toward the church, he also praised the bishops of Lubeck, and Tournon, for that often in the council, and also of late at Mentz, they had defended the authority of the council. But especially he commended their present doings, that they had openly confessed the truth, and had not separated themselves from the faith of the church.

Afterward, entering into the declaration of the matter, he said, that he was at Pisa and at Constance, and