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1853.]

IT

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THE NAVY OF FRANCE. SECOND PAPER.

is now just twenty years since

the clear blue waters off Cape Sigæum, and the funereal mounds that rise on the surrounding shores, witnessed a sight scarcely equalled since the old day when the hollow ships of the Achæans approached those shores in swarming numbers, not indeed to cast anchor there, but to be hauled up on the beach, safe from every blast that might sweep either from woody Ida, or from the rugged Imbros-"Iμßpov παιπαλοέσσης.

On a sunny morning, in the month of July, 1833, an English squadron of six sail of the line and a few frigates, led by the old Britannia, approached the island of Tenedos and Besika Bay. This squadron, however, was but the weather division of a fleet. To leeward six other ships, with frigates and sloops, formed another column: but these were ships of France, and the small tri-coloured flag at the foremast of the leading one, told the observer that she bore a French vice-admiral, a gallant and good officer, old Admiral Roussin. All was harmony in this allied fleet; Sir Pulteney Malcolm's movements were as carefully followed by the French Admiral as though the red flag at the Britannia's mast head had been the flag of a full admiral of France.

Tenedos was weathered, and, as a fresh breeze from the north-west made the ships breast on their way speedily towards the mouth of the Dardanelles, a casual observer, watching the movements in and between the decks of each ship, would have noticed indications that something of no ordinary interest occupied the minds of the officers, old and young. All was ready for anchoring-yet no one expected that the fleet would anchor. No drum had beaten to quarters, yet was there a more than usual readiness. Every lashing was examined, and seen to be unencumbered, as though the word clear for action' was expected to be heard; and gunners and captains of guns, lieutenants and midshipmen, might have been seen inspecting minutely the state of their

VOL. XLVIII. NO. CCLXXXIV.

respective batteries. And why was all this? Not a syllable had been formally uttered by superior officers; but something had oozed out, and, right or wrong, the belief obtained that the fleet was about to force the Dardanelles.

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We may briefly remind readers what was the then condition of affairs in the East, a state of things widely different, indeed, from that of the present time, but which yet brought the fleets of England and France in unwonted amity to the Trojan waters, even as now they are riding, with the same old Britannia as their leader, in those same waters of Besika Bay.

The Pasha of Egypt was in open rebellion against his suzerain. The hardy stunted troops of the Nilotic plains, led on by İbrahim, had defeated a superior army of 60,000 Turks, at Koniah, and captured their General, Redshid Pasha. Nothing seemed to intervene between the Sublime Porte and the victorious rebel, who advanced in apparent expectation of a triumphant entry. England and France had been appealed to, but in vain. They were willing to protest and to remonstrate but protests and remonstrances hindered not the advance of the Pasha's host. Fleets and armies were the aid which Turkey needed from her allies, and these she did not obtain. In utter desperation she appealed to Russia, and had not to repeat her appeal. A fleet from Sebastopol anchored, in the month of February, at the mouth of the Bosphorus,

and,

in April, 15,000 Russian soldiers landed at Scutari, on the Asiatic shore of the dividing strait. And now Turkey trembled before the protectors she had invoked. Constantinople was in actual, though not nominal, possession of that steadily advancing foe, who long and warily had looked for such a day of adversity, to pounce upon her prey. Concession was speedily made to the demands of Egypt: the Pashalik of Aleppo was ceded, everything was done, every argument used, to induce Ibrahim to retreat, in order that there might remain no reason

for the delay of the feared, though invited Russians. But they did not stir.

England and France now became sensible of the error they had committed, in not sooner assisting the Sultan, and ordered their fleets and ambassadors to take prompt action. We speak of England and France, as though their wishes and interests had been the same, but we would especially remind our readers, that, at that very time, France was secretly upholding the Pasha of Egypt, anxious that the Porte should be humbled, and that Egypt should be advanced at her expense, never anticipating the Sultan's appeal to Russia. French influence was paramount at Alexandria, and France had already fully entered upon that line of policy which led to the events of 1840, when the en tente cordiale was broken, and our statesmen took a decided part in supporting the Ottoman throne against the protegé of France.

France, then, as we have said, sided with Egypt, against the Porte, and against the steadily pursued policy of England, but was glad to join us, when she found that Russian troops were actually at Constantinople; and while nominally one with us, and while our fleets were riding side by side, she was secretly continuing that very course of action which had brought about the crisis she was uniting with us to avert.

There is thus a remarkable parallel between the events of 1833 and 1853, which we leave our readers to follow out at their leisure. Now, as then, the policy of France afforded an excuse for the aggression of Russia; Louis Napoleon's pretensions touching the Holy Places have led to Nicholas's claims for headship of the Greek subjects of Abdul Medjid.

But, to return to the fleets as we saw them in July, 1833. As they neared the Trojan shore, both fleets slackened sail, and every eye was turned to where the narrow line of. sea parts the two continents, marked out by the rugged rising of Chersonesus on the European side. By this time it was generally known that the ambassadors of England and France had intimated to Russia and to the Porte, that unless the

Russian army quitted Scutari before a given day, the allied fleet would force its way up the Dardanelles, and cast anchor off the Golden Horn. We pretend to no secret or intimate knowledge of the diplomacy of that time: we relate what we saw On the appointed day, the fleet was steering for the Castle of Asia, and Sir Pulteney Malcolm only waited for the return of his tender, the Hind cutter-the little Hind, so distinguished at Navarino. At length her gaff-top-sail was seen over the flat alluvial plain of the Scamander, rapidly advancing, with wind and current in her favour, just as a sail is often seen amongst the meadows of England, revealing the existence of an unsuspected canal. Three flags were soon hoisted, and hauled down-and again and again was this repeated, and then all eyes were directed to the flag ship, as she, in her turn, hoisted a general signal to the fleet to stand off from the shore. The Russians had retreated.

In our former paper we showed, that in the minds of French admirals and French statesmen, there existed a deeply-seated feeling ofwhat must we call it? hatred, or envy, or jealousy? at all events, a feeling that bodes not well for the maintenance of peace between England and France. Surely, it will be said, the present state of things must change the aspect of matters. The fleets are now working together; officers and men must feel that their present mission is a just and a righteous one; they must see the value to Europe of such a union as that which now exists. Moreover, kindly feelings will be engendered between the two nations; indeed we hear that it is so. The flag of England will no longer be thought of as that of a deadly foe; and, while a noble emulation will arise of excelling our seamen in skill and dexterity, and of equalling our navy in all its points of excellence, the grosser and baser desire which kindles the passions of the Prince de Joinville, the desire of revenge for past reverses, will wear itself out and become effaced. Would that this may be the happy result! and were this the first occasion of a junction of our fleets we might hope for this result. But experience tells us another tale. It is no new thing,

1853.]

The English and French Fleets in Union.

this junction of our forces. At Navarino we fought side by side. For years our ships and those of France were in close alliance, watching over the interests of infant Greece, and in 1833 we advanced together, as we have already described, to the Turkish waters.

Our readers may imagine, however, that the mere fact of ships thus serving together can do nothing in itself. The ships may be together, while the brave hearts that man them may be far asunder. What

is the present state of things in the fleets we learn from public report; what it was in former days we know; and an incident or two that came under the writer's own notice may serve to illustrate this point.

During the troublous times that befel the Greek nation before the arrival of King Otho, when they were rent asunder by intestine divisions, and were looking for the advent of their king as the panacea for all their woes, it happened that an English frigate and a French 18 gun brig were stationed off Patras, which town was in the possession of Kitsos Tzavellas, a brave old Suliote, who had, however, taken upon himself to rebel against the temporary government established at Nauplia and supported by the allied powers. For six months these two ships remained together at anchor. The French captain formally placed himself under the orders of the Englishman, who being a capitaine de vaisseau, was, he said, his superior officer. In all such small matters as loosing sails, crossing topgallant yards, and the routine of harbour work, the French brig followed most respectfully her English commodore. Not a day passed but the officers of one nation were on board the ship of the other. At last the King of England's birthday came round, and a very unusual sight presented itself, when the marines fired off their eight o'clock muskets, and the ensigns and flags with which the ship was, in technical language, to be dressed,' were hoisted to the several mastheads of the frigate. Preparations for dressing ship had been evident on board the French brig, and to the astonishment of all, she was seen, in addition to the numerous signal flags em

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ployed for mere ornament, to hoist an English Royal Standard at her main, and at her peak-where the national colour alone, according to all naval etiquette, should fly-she actually hoisted an English red ensign side by side with her own tricolour! But this was insufficient to testify the kindly feeling towards England. At one o'clock, at the moment of firing the first gun of her royal salute, the French colours at the peak were actually hauled down, ̄and there we saw a French brig of war with English colours flying, and a Royal Standard at her masthead. What made this piece of courtesy even more amusing was the circumstance that the name of the brig was not L'Alacrité but L'Alacrity; being called after a prize taken from us during the last war; and often did her captain jump up on the signal lockers of the English ship, when he wanted his gig to be sent for him, and hail with sonorous voice 'Alacritee, O de l'Alacritee! emphasizing most carefully the closing syllable.

God grant that peace may be maintained, but as the day may come when this can no longer be, we feel that in affording information touching the navy of France, information that can be depended upon, we are doing good service to the cause of England, the cause of peace, the cause of good order, and all that man respects and reveres. Without further preface we turn again to the Enquête Parlementaire, and having ascertained what was considered by the Commission the fitting strength for the navy of France, we next find them consulting how this fleet should be employed. A squadron of evolution is of course necessary for the training of both officers and men, but where shall this fleet be stationed? Shall it be in the Mediterranean, or in the Northern or Ocean Station, as they call it ?

M. Daru proposed that the fleet of eight or ten line of battle-ships be divided into two squadrons, one in the Mediterranean, and one in the ocean or North Seas, and that on certain occasions these squadrons shall unite and manœuvre in concert; but M. Dupin objected to this that it was necessary to have a large force together in order to establish a fine naval spirit, and to keep up

the habitude of those manœuvres on a grand scale which are necessary to make good flag officers-indispensables pour les officiers généraux.' M. Daru replied again that many naval officers had confessed to him that they were so ignorant of the navigation of the Channel and North Seas, that if called to service there they might be exposed to serious misfortunes, arising from their inexperience, as often happened with the navy of former times.

Two naval members of the Commission, MM. Laîné and Charnier, agreed with M. Daru as to the necessity of the two squadrons, and other members spoke for and against M. Daru's proposition. At last a new line of argument was entered upon, and to this we shall call our readers' attention more particularly.

M. Daru, in reply to some remarks of M. Collas, said that the North Sea was not the only scene to be selected for the evolutions of the ocean fleet, and that the shores of England, of France, and of Portugal as far as the Antilles, offer a wider field than the Mediterranean. He then proceeded to express his astonishment that there had always existed a sort of scruple about letting their fleets appear in the British Channel, and added,—

This sea belongs to us as well as to our neighbours, and we must not, through an exaggerated fear of wounding the jealous feelings of England, (de froisser les sentiments jaloux de l'Angleterre,) deprive our ships of the navigation of this sea, to which they will be especially called, as soon as a maritime war shall be declared. (Le jour où la guerre maritime sera déclarée.)

that the fleet was kept in the Mediterranean, and M. Hernoux, another naval member, asserted that, during nine months of the year the navigation of the Mediterranean was as difficult and perilous as that of the ocean.

Finally, M. Dahirel, one of the secretaries of the Commission, supported the opinion of M. Daru, that there should be two fleets for

manœuvres :

The Commission, he remarked, had heard two sailors, M M. Laîné and Charnier, whose opinion ought to have much weight, and who assert that, for the sake of the instruction of the officers and seamen, one fleet or squadron should navigate the ocean. And if the opinion, that ocean navigation is more difficult than that of the Mediterranean be only a prejudice, even this prejudice ought to be respected. And if the English have the impression that our sailors are most at home in the Mediterranean, we must show them that they can behave equally well in the Channel. (Et, si les Anglais sont convaincus que nos matelots sont plus à leur aise dans la Mediterranée, il faut leur faire voir qu'ils feraient également bonne contenance dans la Manche.)

As to the fear of wounding the susceptibilities of England by causing our ships to navigate that sea, we need not trouble ourselves about it (il ne faut pas s'en préoccuper). Indeed it is much to be regretted that, in 1840, we in some sort gave way to England (nous avions en quelque sorte lâché pied derant l'Angleterre), and caused our fleet to return to Toulon, when its presence would have been so necessary on the theatre of

events.

The Commission then voted that ten ships form the squadron of evo

M. Charnier insisted upon having lutions, and that its employment,

a fleet in the Channel:

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This sea (he said), in spite of what may have been said, is of much more difficult navigation than the Mediterranean. Our sailors are but little acquainted with it, and if proof of this statement be wanted, one need only refer to what happened to the fleet (l'escadre des dunes*) in 1831. At that period our crews, little accustomed to the navigation of that station, met with almost insurmountable difficulties in accomplishing their mission.

M. de Montebello said that it was not from any fear of offending England, but from political exigencies

whether together or divided, depend upon political events.

Without any comment upon the above we will remind our readers of a slight incident which occurred late in 1850. To many the matter seemed worthy of no notice whatever, and was forgotten as soon as it occurred. It was not so with thinking men, and the deliberations of the Commission of Enquiry now fully justify the suspicions that were entertained at the time.

On Monday afternoon, late in the month of October, 1850, the French

* Les Dunes the Sand-hills near Dunkirk.

1853.]

Application of Steam to Ships of War.

fleet under the command of ViceAdmiral Deschenes, consisting of six sail of the line and a steam-frigate, made their most unexpected ap pearance in Torbay, having sailed from Cherbourg, where they had recently been inspected by the President, on the preceding day, the wind being northerly and fine. None of the officers landed.

A contemporary newspaper thus remarks:

It was rather a novelty to see a French fleet at anchor on the English coast, and Commander Storey, the inspecting commander of the coast guard at Torquay, it would appear, deemed it his duty to visit the admiral's ship to discover the reason of their visit. He was informed that stress of weather obliged them to seek shelter under Barry Head, but the wind being at the time north, and the weather moderate, the gallant commander was determined to watch their movements, and to report them.

No doubt the gallant commander's doings were sneered at, at the time; but little could he himself have imagined that one of the objects of the visit of that fleet was to blunt the susceptibilities,' the jealous feelings,' of England! But it went

further than this-it was thought well by the French authorities of the day, to let their men see these same shores of England,—perhaps that when they come again they may not be wholly strange to them.

An incident occurred in the year previous, in 1849, not unworthy of notice. A French man-of-war, engaged in superintending the fisheries in the Channel, had occasion to visit Sheerness. When off the Foreland, she was visited, as a matter of course, by a pilot; but the French commander politely declined the pilot's services, saying that he was quite able to take his ship up the Thames.

Having settled the number of ships of which the French fleet is to consist, the commissioners next took into consideration the quality of the ships. They decided that no more 100-gun ships should be built, as they cost much more than a 90-gun ship, without affording corresponding advantages.

Next came the truly important question of the application of steam to ships of war; and we shall endeavour most briefly to sum up the various opinions offered. At once

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and unanimously they resolved upon applying steam power to all their ships, as M. Maissiat happily expressed it, in order to render them much more vulnerant, and but a little more vulnerable' - beaucoup plus vulnérant et seulement un peu plus vulnerable. All new ships, then, are to be built for steam power, and steam power is to be added to all old ships, excepting only such as are so far advanced in their decay as to require a renovation to the extent of one half of their material or value; or, to use their own mode of expression, qui auraient besoin d'un radoub excédant les 12.

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Some opinions, however, were tendered in evidence before the commissioners contrary to the conclusion to which they unanimously came on this subject. Several hints were given of the great expense of placing even a screw steam engine of small speed in an old ship; even the change in a ship on the stocks was objected to, and some French officers were strongly in favour of attaching a towing steamer to each line-of-battle ship, rather than giving her a small motive power within her own bowels.

We will give an extract from the deposition of M. Laurencin, Capitaine de Vaisseau, commanding Le Mogador, a frigate of 650 horse power:

Question (by M. Dufaure.)-Have you had any opportunity of comparing your frigate with English steam frigates?

Answer.-Never, as to speed. I have seen many of them, and I have found all their engines very inferior to ours. We must be on our guard as to what the English say about their matériel naval.

Their newspapers are full of statements which must not be trusted(qu'il ne faut pas prendre au sérieux.) When I went to London with the Gomer, I had heard speak of extraordinary speeds attained, such as twelve, fifteen, and sixteen knots; I was much surprised at finding that the Gomer, which never ran more than ten knots by the log, at the most, went almost as fast as these vessels of whose speed so much had been said.

Captain Laurencin, we may just state, has a high opinion of the engine of the Mogador. He calls it a complete and perfect engine-so perfect, that it weighs 200 tons less than an engine of 458 horse power.

Question.-Have you heard of the trials made by the English at Lisbon ?

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