be remembered, that the writers who thus speak, all lived some three centuries or more after the event Nor does a greater degree of credit seem due to th relation of Jewish writers, which is also repeated by Jerome, that the governor of the province, Titus An nius Rufus, caused the plough to be passed over th site of the ancient temple in order to desecrate it for ever. There is no evidence that the Romans eve applied this symbol of perpetual doom to the sites o single edifices. And further, Adrian himself is ex pressly said to have erected a temple to Jupiter upo the same spot,2 a circumstance entirely inconsisten with such a desecration; and Julian, two centurie later, the zealous protector of ancient superstitions encouraged the Jews themselves to undertake th rebuilding of their temple.-Both these accounts, ther fore, would seem rather to belong to the legendary in ventions of a later age.

The work of rebuilding the city would appear have been resumed immediately after the close of th war, if not before. In A. D. 136, the emperor Adria celebrated his Vicennalia, on entering upon the twe tieth year of his reign. On such occasions, whi heretofore only Augustus and Trajan had lived to se it seems to have been customary to build or consecra new cities, or also to give to former cities new name At this time the new Roman colony established up the site of the former Jerusalem, received the nam of Colonia Elia Capitolina; the former after the pra nomen of the emperor, Elius Adrianus; and t

1) The Rabbins call him Turanus Rufus; Eusebius simply Rufus, Hist. Ecc. IV. 6. See Gemara Taanich c. 4, "quando aravit Turanus Rufus impius porticum," etc. Maimonides in Bartoloc. Biblioth. Rabb. III. p. 679. Hieron. Comm. in Zachar. viii. 19, "Capta urbs

Bethel (Bether), ad quam mu millia confugerant Judaeoru aratum templum in ignomini gentis oppressae, a Tito An Ruffo." Münter 1. c. p. 71.

2) See Note 1, on the next pa 3) Pagi Critica Antibaronia ad Ann. Chr. 132, 135.

latter in honour of the Jupiter Capitolinus, whose fane now occupied the place of the Jewish temple.' The place became to all intents a Roman and pagan city; Jupiter was made its patron god; and statues of Jupiter and Venus were then or later erected on sites, which afterwards were held to be the places of the crucifixion and resurrection of our Lord. The city was probably strongly fortified. Of its citadel and the apparent extent of its walls, we have already spoken.❜

The ancient capital of the Jews was henceforth long known only as Ælia; and coins bearing in their inscription the name COL. AEL. CAP. are still extant from the time of Adrian to Hostilian about A. D. 250. The name Jerusalem went out of use; and was indeed to such a degree forgotten, that when a martyr at Caesarea under Maximin mentioned Jerusalem as his birth-place, (meaning the heavenly city,) the Roman governor Firmilianus inquired, What city it was and where it lay 25 In the days of Constantine the ancient name became again more current; though that of Elia still remained in use; as is shown by the writings of Eusebius and Jerome. Even so late as A. D. 536, the name of Ælia appears in the acts of a synod held in Jerusalem itself; and it afterwards

1) Dio Cass. LXIX. 12, 'Eç dè τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα πόλιν αὐτοῦ ἀντὶ τῆς κατασκαφείσης οἰκίσαντος, ἣν καὶ Αιλίαν Καπιτωλίναν ὠνόμασε, καὶ ἐς τὸν τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ τό που, ναὸν τῷ Διὶ ἕτερον ἀντεγεί garros x. t. 1. Euseb. Hist. Ecc. IV.6. Hieron. Comm. in Esai. ii. 8, "Ubi quondam erat templum et religio Dei, ibi Hadriani statua et Jovis idolum collocatum est." See also above, Vol. I. p. 437.

2) Hieron. Ep. 49, ad Paulin. ed. Mart. Tom. IV. ii. p. 564. Sozomen, H. E. II. 1.

3) See above, Vol. I. pp. 454, 467. VOL. II.

2

p.

4) Münter Jüdischer Krieg, etc. 94. The coins of Elia are found in Rasche's Lexicon Tom. I, and the first Supplement. Sestini Descript. Numor. vet. p. 544. Mionnet Médailles Ant. Tom. V. p. 516, seq. 5) Euseb. de Martyrib. Palaestinae, c. 11.

6) Particularly in their specifi cations of the distances of places from this city; see the Onomast. art. Bethel, and elsewhere.

7)" In Colonia Elia metropoli, sive Hierosolymis;" Harduin. Concil. II. p. 1412. Labbe Concil. V. p.

275.

both in its length and breadth, and of immense altitude. The roof was covered with lead; the interior overlaid with variegated marbles; the ceiling decorated with carved work; and the whole glittered in every part with burnished gold. The entrance was from the East, where were three gates; before which twelve columns, after the number of the apostles, formed a semicircle in front of the whole building.-It was this large church to which the name of the Martyrion was strictly applied, as standing over the place of the Saviour's Passion. The chapel over the Sepulchre was called the Anastasis or Resurrection.2 But both these names seem also to have often been applied indiscriminately to the whole structure and to its various parts.3

The high example of Helena, the supposed discovery of the sacred places, and the erection of all these splendid churches, conspired to draw, in a still greater degree, the attention and the longings of the Christian world towards Jerusalem. Pilgrimages were now multiplied, as the dangers and difficulties were diminished; and one of the most important documents of the age, is the Itinerary of a palmer from Bourdeaux in A. D. 333.4 The dedication of the church of the

ry. Hence the expression Mount Calvary" has been adopted almost without question into every language of Christendom. Yet in the New Testament there is no hint that Golgotha was in any sense a hillock; Matt. xxvii. 33. Mark xv. 22. Luke xxiii. 33. John xix. 17. Neither Eusebius, nor Cyrill, (except as made to say so by the Latin translator,) nor Jerome, nor the historians of the 4th and 5th centuries, speak of it as a mount. Yet the expression must have early become current, perhaps among the pilgrims; for the Itiner. Hieros. speaks of it as "monticulus Golgotha." Rufinus has the expression

Holy Sepulchre in A. D. 335, was afterwards celebrated annually by a festival, which continued for a week, and was resorted to by multitudes from all parts of the world. Towards the middle of the same century, Hilarion first introduced the monastic life from Egypt into Palestine and Syria;2 which, finding there a congenial soil, at once took deep root, and spread itself rapidly abroad throughout the land.

The Jews, as we have seen, in the age of Constantine, were again permitted to approach Jerusalem, and apparently to dwell once more upon their native soil. They had never been driven out from Galilee; and under the reign of his successor Constantius, they formed the chief population of Diocaesarea (Sepphoris) and other towns; and felt themselves in sufficient strength to take up arms in rebellion against the Romans. But they were soon subdued; and in A. D. 339, this city was levelled to the ground. The emperor Julian, in abandoning Christianity, endeavoured as a matter of policy to win the confidence of the Jews. He showed them favour; granted them privileges; and gave them permission to return to Jerusalem, and rebuild their sacred temple. They accordingly began to lay the foundations about A. D. 362; but the attempt, according to contemporary writers, was rendered abortive by supernatural hindrances.5-Under the successors of Julian, the edicts would seem to have been renewed, which prohibited the Jews from

1) Sozomen II. 26.

2) Hieron. Vita Hilar. Sozom. III. 14. Tillemont Mém. Tom. VII. p. 565. Neander Kirchengeschichte II. ii. P. 503.

3) See above, p. 11.

4) Socrates H. E. II. 33. Theophan. Chronogr. p. 33, Paris. See Reland Pal. p. 1000. For the Jews in Galilee, see in Sec. XV, under Tiberias.

5) Ammian. Marcell. XXIII. 1, "metuendi globi flammarum prope fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes, fecere locum exustis aliquoties operibus inaccessum; hocque modo, elemento destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum." Socr. H. E. III. 20. Sozom. V. 22. Tillemont Mémoires, etc. VII. p. 409, seq.

residing in Jerusalem; for Jerome relates, that in his day they were still forbidden to enter the city, except once a year, to wail over the temple.' Thus they continued to struggle on for a residence in the land and city of their fathers; objects of contumely and oppression on every side, and with little change in their general situation; until at length the Muhammedan conquest gave them the opportunity of acquiring larger privileges, both in Jerusalem and throughout Palestine.

In the latter part of the fourth century, A. D. 384, Jerome, the celebrated father, took up his residence in Palestine, where he remained as a monk in the convent at Bethlehem until his death in A. D. 420. At this time monasteries and communities of anchorites (laurae) were numerous; and the whole of Palestine swarmed with monks and hermits. Jerome speaks expressly of "the great multitude of brethren and the bands of monks," who dwelt in and around Jerusalem.3 Even Paula, a noble Roman matron, the friend of Jerome, first made a pilgrimage to the holy places, and then retired to Bethlehem; where she erected four monasteries, one for monks and three for nuns. Nor was the throng of strangers and pilgrims, who came from every quarter of the globe to visit the holy places and adore the cross, less remarkable. The same father relates that devotees "streamed to Jerusalem from every part of the world; so that the city was crowded with persons of both sexes and of every

1) Hieron. Comm. in Zephan. i. 15, "usque ad praesentem diem perfidi coloni (Judaei) . . excepto planetu prohibentur ingredi Jerusalem." Then follows the passage quoted above, Vol. I. p. 351, Note.

2) A community of anchorites, dwelling near each other in separate cells, was called λavya, laura,

i. e. a street, village. See Neander K. G. II. ii. p. 504. Bolland in Acta Sanctor. Jan. Tom. II. p. 298.

3) "Tantam fratrum multitudinem et monachorum choros ;" Ep. XXXVIII, ad Pammach. Tom. IV. ii. p. 308. ed. Mart.

4) Hieron. Ep. LXXXVI. ad Eustoch. Epitaph. Paulae.