though all the other nations of Asia place it six months sooner, and in the preceding year.

Demetrius, upon his arrival in Asia Minor,* obliged Ptolemy to raise the siege of Halicarnassus; and this event was succeeded by a treaty of peace between the confederate princes and Antigonus; by which it was stipulated, that Cassander should have the management of the Macedonian affairs, till Alexander, the son of Roxana, was of age to reign. Lysimachus was to have Thrace; Ptolemy, Egypt, and the frontiers of Libya, with Arabia; and all Asia was allotted to Antigonus. All the cities of Greece were likewise to enjoy their liberty; but this accommodation was of no long duration and indeed it is surprising that princes, so well acquainted with each other, and sensible that the sacred solemnity of oaths was only employed for their mutual delusion, should expect any success from an expedient that had been practised so frequently in vain, and was then so much disregarded. This treaty was hardly concluded, before each party complained that it was infringed, and hostilities were renewed. The true reason was, the extraordinary power of Antigonus, which daily increased, and became so formidable to the other three, that they were incapable of enjoying any satisfaction till they had reduced him.

It was manifest that they were only solicitous for their own interest, and had no regard for the family of Alexander. The Macedonians began to be impatient; and declared aloud, that it was time for them to cause the young Alexander to appear upon the stage of action, as he was then fourteen years of age, and to bring him out of prison, in order to make him acquainted with public business. Cassander, who foresaw in this proceeding the destruction of his own measures, caused the young king, and his mother Roxana, to be secretly put to death in the castle of Amphipolis, where he had confined them for some years.

A. M. 3694.

Polysperchon, who governed in Peloponnesus, Ant. J. C. 310. took this opportunity to declare openly against the conduct of Cassander, and made the people sensible of the enormous wickedness of this action, with a view of rendering him odious to the Macedonians, and entirely supplanting him in their affections. As he had then thoughts of re-entering Macedonia, from whence he had been driven by Cassander, he affected an air of great zeal for the house of Alexander; and in order to render it apparent, he caused Hercules, another son of Alexander, by Barsina, the widow of Memnon, and who was then about seventeen years of age, to be brought from Pergamus, upon which he himself advanced with an army, and proposed to the Macedonians to place him upon the throne. Cassander was terrified at this proceeding, and represented to him, at an interview between them, that he was preparing to raise himself a master; but that it would be more for

* Diod. I. xix. p. 739. Plut. in Demet. p. 892.

† Diod. 1. xx. p. 760, 761, & 766, 767.

his interest to remove Hercules out of the way, and secure the Sovereignty of Greece to himself, offering, at the same time, his own assistance for that purpose. This discourse easily prevailed upon him to sacrifice the young prince to Cassander, as he was now persuaded that he should derive great advantages from his death. Hercules, therefore, and his mother, suffered the A. M. 3695. Ant. J. C. 309. same fate from him the next year, as Roxana and her son had before from Cassander; and each of these wretches sacrificed, in his turn, an heir of the crown, in order to share it between themselves.

As there was now no prince of Alexander's house left, each of them retained his government with the authority of a sovereign, and were persuaded that they had effectually secured their acquisitions, by the murder of those princes, who alone had a lawful title to them, congratulating themselves for having extinguished in their own minds all remains of respect for the memory of Alexander, their master and benefactor, which till then had held their hands. Who, without horror, could behold an action so perfidious, and, at the same time, so shameful and base! But such was the insensibility of them both, that they were equally forward to felicitate themselves on the success of an impious confederacy, which ended in the effusion of their master's blood. The blackest of all crimes never cost tne ambitious any remorse, provided they conduce to their ends.

Ptolemy having commenced the war anew,* took several cities from Antigonus in Cilicia and other parts; but Demetrius soon regained what his father had lost in Cilicia: and the other generals of Antigonus had the same success against those of Ptolemy, who did not command this expedition in person. Cyprus was now the only territory where Ptolemy preserved his conquests; for when he had caused Nicocles, king of Paphos, to suffer death, he entirely crushed the party of Antigonus in that island.

A. M. 3696.

In order to obtain some compensation for what Ant. J. C. 308. he had lost in Cilicia, he invaded Pamphylia, Lycia, and some other provinces of Asia Minor, where he took several places from Antigonus.

He then sailed into the Ægean sea,‡ and made himself master of the isle of Andros; after which he took Sicyon, Corinth, and some other cities.

During his continuance in those parts, he formed an intimate correspondence with Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander. She had espoused Alexander, king of Epirus, at whose nuptials Philip had been assassinated, and after the death of her consort, who was slain in the wars of Italy, had continued in a state of widowhood, and, for several years, had resided at Sardis in Lydia. As Antigonus, who was master of that city, did not treat her with due attention Ibid. p. 774, 775.

Diod. 1. xx. p. 760. ↑ Ibid. p. 766.

ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS.

283

and respect, Ptolemy artfully took advantage of her discontent, to gain her over to his interest. With this intention he invited her to an interview, in hopes of deriving, from her presence, some advantages against Antigonus. The princess had already set out, but the governor of Sardis caused her to be stopped and immediately brought back, and shortly after, by the command of Antigonus, caused her to be secretly destroyed. Antigonus, soon after this event, came to Sardis, where he ordered all the women who had been instrumental in her murder to be proceeded against.

We may here behold with admiration, how heavily the arm of the Almighty fell upon the race of Alexander, and with what severity he pursued the small remains of his family, and all those who had the misfortune to be any way related to that famous conqueror, whose favour was ardently courted by all the world a few years before. A fatal curse consumed his whole family, and avenged upon it all the acts of violence which had been committed by that prince. God even used the ministration of his courtiers, offi cers, and domestics, to render the severity of his judgments visible to all mankind, who, by these means, received some kind of reparation for the calamities they had suffered from Alexander.

Antigonus, though he was the minister of the Deity in the execution of his just decrees, was not the less criminal on that account, because he acted only from motives of ambition and cruelty, of the enormity of which he was himself sensible, and which he wished he could be capable of concealing from the observation of mankind. He celebrated the funeral of Cleopatra with extraordinary magnificence, hoping, by this plausible exterior, to dazzle the eyes of the public, and avoid the hatred due to so black a crime. But such deep hypocrisy as this, usually discovers the crime it labours to conceal, and only increases the just horror the world generally entertains for those who have committed it.

This barbarous and unmanly action was not the only one that Antigonus committed. Seleucus and Ptolemy raised the superstructure of their power on the clemency and justice with which they governed their people; and, by these expedients, established lasting empires, which continued in their families for several generations: but the character of Antigonus was of a different cast. It was a maxim with him, to remove all obstacle to his designs, without the least regard to justice or humanity; in consequence of which, when that brutal and tyrannical force, by which alone he had supported himself, came to fail him, he lost both life and empire.

Ptolemy, with all the wisdom and moderation of his government, was not secure from revolts. The treachery of Ophellas, governor of Libya and Cyrenaica, who formed an insurrection much about this time, gave him a just cause for inquietude; but it happened very fortunately to be attended with no bad effect. This officer had served first under Alexander, and, after the death of that prince, had embraced the interest of Ptolemy, whom he followed into Egypt.

Ptolemy had intrusted him with the command of the army which was intended for the reduction of Libya and Cyrenaica, provinces that had been allotted to him, as well as Egypt and Arabia, in the partition of the empire. When those two provinces were subdued, Ptolemy conferred the government of them upon Ophellas; who, when he was sensible that this prince was too much engaged with Antigonus and Demetrius to give him any apprehensions, had rendered himself independent, and continued, till this year, in the peaceable enjoyment of his usurpation.

A. M. 3697.

Agathocles, king of Sicily, having marched into Ant. J. C. 307. Africa to attack the Carthaginians, endeavoured to engage Ophellas in his interest, and promised to assist him in the conquest of all Africa for himself. Ophellas, seduced by so grateful a proposal, joined Agathocles with an army of 20,000 men in the Carthaginian territories; but he had scarce arrived there, before the perfidious wretch who had drawn him thither, caused him to be slain, and kept his army in his own service. The history of the Carthaginians will inform the reader in what manner this black instance of treachery succeeded. Ptolemy, upon the death of Ophellas, recovered Libya and Cyrenaica. The wife of the latter was an Athenian lady of uncommon beauty; her name was Eurydice, and she was descended from Miltiades. After the death of her husband she returned to Athens, where Demetrius saw her the following year, and espoused her.

SECT. VII.

Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, besieges and takes Athens, and establishes a demo cracy in that city. Demetrius Phalereus, who commanded there, retires to Thebes He is condemned to suffer death, and his statues are thrown down. He retires inte Egypt. The excessive honours rendered by the Athenians to Antigonus and his son Demetrius. This latter obtains a great naval victory over Ptolemy; takes Salamis, and makes himself master of all the island of Cyprus. Antigonus and Demetrius assume the title of Kings after this victory, and their example is followed by the other princes. Antigonus forms an enterprise against Egypt, which proves unsuccessful.

A. M. 3698. Antigonus and Demetrius* had formed a design Ant. J. C. 306. to restore liberty to all Greece, which was kept in a kind of slavery by Cassander, Ptolemy, and Polysperchon. These confederate princes, in order to subject the Greeks, had judged it expedient to establish, in all the cities they conquered, aristocracy, that is, the government of the rich and powerful; and it corresponds, the most of any, with regal authority. Antigonus, to engage the people in his interest, had recourse to a contrary method, by substituting a democracy, which more effectually soothed the inclination of the Greeks, by lodging the power in the hands of the people. This conduct was a renewal of the policy which had been so frequently employed against the Lacedæmonians by the Athenians and Persians, and had always succeeded; and it was impossible for

*Plut. in Demetr. p. 892-894.

it to be ineffectual in this conjuncture, if supported by a good army. Antigonus could not enter upon his measures in a better manner, than by opening the scene with the signal of democratic liberty in Athens; which was not only the most jealous of it, but was likewise at the head of all the other republics.

When the siege of Athens had been resolved upon, Antigonus was told by one of his friends, that if he should happen to take that city, he ought to keep it for himself, as the key of all Greece; but he sternly rejected that proposal, and replied, "That the best and strongest key which he knew, was the friendship of the people; and that Athens, being in a manner the light by which all the world steered, would not fail to spread through all quarters the glory of his actions." It is very surprising to see in what manner princes, who are very unjust and self-interested, can sometimes borrow the language of equity and generosity, and are solicitous of doing themselves honour by assuming the appearance of virtues to which, in reality, they are utter strangers.

Demetrius set out for Athens with 5000 talents, and a fleet of 250 ships. Demetrius Phalereus had commanded in that city for the space of ten years, in the name and under the authority of Cassander; and the republic, as I have already observed, never experienced a juster government, or enjoyed a series of greater tranquillity and happiness. The citizens, in gratitude to his administration, had erected as many statues to his honour as there are days in the year, namely, 360, for at that time, the year, according to Pliny,* did not exceed this number of days. An honour like this had never been granted to any citizen.

When the fleet of Demetrius approached, all the inhabitants prepared for its reception, believing the ships belonged to Ptolemy; but when the captains and principal officers were at last undeceived, they immediately had recourse to arms for their defence; every place was filled with tumult and confusion, the Athenians being reduced to a sudden and unexpected necessity of repelling an enemy who advanced upon them without being discovered, and had already made a descent; for Demetrius had entered the port, which he found entirely open, and might easily be distinguished on the deck of his galley, where with his hands he made a signal to the people to keep themselves quiet, and afford him an audience. The tumult being then calmed, he caused them to be informed aloud by a herald, who placed himself at his side, "That his father Antigonus had sent him under happy auspices, to reinstate the Athenians in the possession of their liberty; to drive the garrison out of their citadel, and to re-establish their laws, and ancient plan of government."

The Athenians, at this proclamation, cast their bucklers down at their feet, and clapping their hands with loud acclamations of joy, pressed Demetrius to descend from his galley, and called him their

Nondum annó hunc numerum dierum excedente. Plin xxxiv. c. 6.