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timent. Parliamentary privilege was a convenient patriotic cry; but it was forgotten when the King might find in it any advantage.
It being now rendered hazardous for the spiritual peers to attend their duty in Parliament, Williams, and twelve of his brethren, addressed the King and Lords, protesting against all proceedings during their compulsory 'absence. Although, according to Lord Clarendon, this protest was logical and legal, since whatever impedes the freedom of one member is a violation to that of all the rest, the protesting bishops were arraigned of higħi 'treason, and eleven of their number committed to the Tower*. To complete this flagrant outrage, the bill for abolishing their votes, and for excluding them from temporal authority, was again brought in and passed through both houses ; while London celebrated the triumph with bells and bonfires.
* Lord Newark delivered two powerful speeches in their behalf, urging, that to sit in Parliament was consistent with their spiritual vocation, and hindered not their other duties ; that the influence of court favour applied equally to lajmen in the lower house, while the holiness and age of the bishops were securities against corruption, and as for the other objection," he that warreth entangleth not himself with affairs of this life ; " that it was a general rule which all men ought to observe, being a dissuasive from worldlymindedness. Constantine had a council of bishops in his camp.
Hall and Moreton were entrusted to the usher of the black rod, with five pounds a day, on account of their past services. Ten of the prelates were released after eighteen days imprisonment. . ! .i
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By the importunities of the Queen, whom artful or weak courtiers had persuaded, that this measure was necessary to the preservation of the throne, Charles was prevailed with, in a fatal moment, to sanction it with, the royal assent., Thus fell the barrier between the King and his encroaching Commons, who now triumphed in the prospect of carrying all their measures unmolested by further opposition. Charles never afterwards enjoyed ease or security. His friends, weakened and despairing, silently, withdrew from a fruitless, contest, and left the way clear for the steady march of re: bellion, to the final destruction of the monarchy*,
XXXIV, In inquiring whether the protest was justifiable on the part of the bishops, it was urged, that the lords spiritual were no third branch of the realm ; that acts had been passed from which they had dissented in a body, as i Edw. VI. and i Eliz. the acts of conformity and supremacy ; and that in their proceeding they supposed them'selves of equal importance with the House of Com, mons, · But who perceives not the fallacy of these objections. If the whole bench of bishops voluntary'retire, they form but a part of the House of Lords, which is, of course; concluded by a majority. But if any constituent part of that house is kept away by force, it is no House of Lords at all. Charles, in going to the House of Commons to demand the five members, was doubtless guilty of
Clar. vol. i. p. 234, 246 ; Neale, p: 696.
ån unconstitutional act; and the historian of the Puritans, with justice, observes, If five members, why not five hundred? Yet his 'majesty, the mob, may detain thirteen Lords from their seats ; and Mr. Neale will not allow his own rule to operate here *. . · XXXV. 1642. ' A controversy of the pen prepared the King and Parliament for the more destructive war of the sword; and the first skirmishes were fought by the light troops of Aying mercuries, lampoons, intelligencers, and journals: while the pulpits were not without their share in the action. To narrate the several stages of hostility, to muster the contending forces, to lead forth to the fight brothers against brothers, and sires against their sons, is the office of the civil historian. On these points we can touch no further than as they are connected with the changes in ecclesiastical affairs. In proportion, indeed, as intestine war flamed with fiercer rage, the danger of the church became the more imminent: till when the aid of the Scottish covenanters was besought by the Parliament, her cause became utterly hopeless. The payment of 8501. a day, and the taking of the covenant by the Parliament, were the terms on which the Scots sold their services. This accession of force compelled the King, in self-defence, to gather Catholic troops around his standard: whose assistauce, to avoid giving of fence, he had at first refused.
* This episcopal protest was spirited and noble. " When a’man is about to be'undone," says Collier, «s to go out in smoke and smoulder is a mean way of coming to nothing. Let him spend himself in a blaze, and flash to the last grain of powder.”, i
This year, 1641, the Commons passed a resolution for the general demolition of altar-rails, and the removal of communion tables from the east end of the chancel to the body of every church. In executing this unpopulat order, much violence was necessary; and at St. Giles's, Cripplegate; at Halsted, in Essex; at Canterbury, and other places, it was. attended with tumults and scuffles betwixt the officers and parishioners.
XXXVI. Men of unfeigned piety, and of rigid principle, abounded, undoubtedly, on both sides. Yet as the party of the Puritaus was the more demure, and that of the monarch the more cheerful, a hypocritical band naturally attached itself to the, former, while the latter was not less alloyed and disgraced by the allegiance of all the open profligates in the nation. Of each of these appendages the opposite party took advantage, by extending its character over the whole body to, which it belonged. With the royalists, all the Puritans were hypocritical; with “ the Godly and well-affected,” as the Puritans entitled themselves, all the royalists were “ the wicked and the malignant *.” These opposite tempers prevailing in the two camps, it is scarcely necessary to add, that : * Malignant-ą word coined at this time, either from maIus ignis, bad 'fire, or malum lignum, bad fuelma far-fetched and foolish 'etymology."
I. 183 that of the Puritans possessed the advantage in point of military discipline. The cavaliers were licentious upon principle, to show that they were not grave, formal, and puritanical. Hence the more prudent royalists were heard to admit, that the King had the better cause, but the parliament the better men * .
XXXVII. Each camp, like that of the Israelites, was likewise accompanied by a mixed multitude. Puritans, Calvinists, lecturers, the clergy of the earlier school than Laud's, and such like, preached long discourses, vilified the King, and blew the trumpet of rebellion before the parliamentary army. It was the custom of these men to apply to Charles the denunciations of the prophets respecting the worst of the Jewish kings of It is quite laughable to hear Mr. Neale affirming, on the contrary, that these preachers were all conformists, and that their sermons continually inculcated the principle, that the King can do no
* Yet Warburton contradicts this, by citing a speech of Cromwell's, in which he boasts of having infused religion into the mass.
À See Claren. vol. i. p. 30.--Amongst other subtleties, a line of distinction was drawn betwixt the personal and politie cal capacity of the monarch : and it was affirmed that the people might destroy Charles Stuart, without hurting the King. The monarch however, not exactly perceiving the justness of this nice distinction, in order that he might save the King, took means for preserving Charles Stuart.--Heylin Hist. Presbyt.