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tine war flamed with fiercer rage, the danger of the church became the more imminent: till when the aid of the Scottish covenanters was besought by the Parliament, her cause became utterly hopeless. The payment of 850l. a day, and the taking of the covenant by the Parliament, were the terms on which the Scots sold their services. This accession of force compelled the King, in self-defence, to gather Catholic troops around his standard: whose assistance, to avoid giving offence, he had at first refused.

XXXVI. Men of unfeigned piety, and of rigid principle, abounded, undoubtedly, on both sides. Yet as the party of the Puritans was the more demure, and that of the monarch the more cheerful, a hypocritical band naturally attached itself to the former, while the latter was not less alloyed and disgraced by the allegiance of all the open profligates in the nation. Of each of these appendages the opposite party took advantage, by extending its character over the whole body to which it belonged. With the royalists, all the Puritans were hypocritical; with "the Godly and well-affected," as the Puritans entitled themselves, all the royalists were "the wicked and the malignant." These opposite tempers prevailing in the two camps, it is scarcely necessary to add, that

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* Malignant a word coined at this time, either from maIus ignis, bad fire, or malum lignum, bad fuel-a far-fetched and foolish etymology.

that of the Puritans possessed the advantage in point of military discipline. The cavaliers were licentious upon principle, to show that they were not grave, formal, and puritanical. Hence the more prudent royalists were heard to admit, that the King had the better cause, but the parliament the better men *.

XXXVII. Each camp, like that of the Israelites, was likewise accompanied by a mixed multitude. Puritans, Calvinists, lecturers, the clergy of the earlier school than Laud's, and such like, preached long discourses, vilified the King, and blew the trumpet of rebellion before the parliamentary army. It was the custom of these men to apply to Charles the denunciations of the prophets respecting the worst of the Jewish kings.. It is quite laughable to hear Mr. Neale affirming, on the contrary, that these preachers were all conformists, and that their sermons continually inculcated the principle, that the King can do no

* Yet Warburton contradicts this, by citing a speech of Cromwell's, in which he boasts of having infused religion into the mass.

↑ See Claren. vol. i. p. 30.-Amongst other subtleties, a line of distinction was drawn betwixt the personal and political capacity of the monarch: and it was affirmed that the people might destroy Charles Stuart, without hurting the King. The monarch however, not exactly perceiving the justness of this nice distinction, in order that he might save the King, took means for preserving Charles Stuart.-Heylin His Presbyt.

wrong. Be this as it may, their sway was nearly despotic. While Henderson intermeddled more in northern politics than all the bench of Scottish bishops had formerly done, Burgess and Marshall possessed stronger influence over the two houses than Laud had ever boasted at court. Selden, Lightfoot, Cudworth, Pococke, Whichcote, and Arrowsmith, are enrolled by the Puritan historian, as attached to the parliament: but Warburton thinks, with higher probability, that they submitted in neutrality, and were not followers of the party. Lastly, a rabble joined the parliamentary force, having chosen their side, not through any ability to settle the question of right, but because they had heard the cavaliers SWEAR FOR the King, and the roundheads PRAY AGAINST him.

Usher, Hall, Moreton, Westfield, Brownrigge, Prideaux, Hammond, Sanderson, all the bishops, in short, and many eminent divines, the fellows of both the universities, together with the cathedral and most of the parochial clergy, were gathered as satellites round the King. The royal army being unruly, and subsisting on their plunder, Charles, by a proclamation, forbade their

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XXXVIII. In the mean time, the metropolis witnessed the removal of all open vices and ostensible indecorums. Public diversions ceased, though it seems an ordinance was requisite to stop them, and in their stead was established a monthly fast,

together with a seven o'clock in the morning lecture or exercise * "You might walk through London on the evening of the Lord's day," says a writer," and not see one idle person, or hear any thing but the voice of prayers and praises from churches and private houses." No barber would shave on Sunday; no ferryman would carry a passenger across the Thames; nor could a man even sit undisturbed at his own door. We doubt not that in these devotions and decencies, there was much genuine piety, and so far they are worthy of our admiration; but it is a melancholy truth that the heart may sing psalms, and yet be deceitful above all things †.

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*The Parliament appointed also a weekly fast for every Wednesday, while that of the King was held every Friday: and thus, it was said, both parties called Almighty God into the quarrel.

† On one occasion, S Aug. 1641, this same goldly parliament, pleading necessity, sate all Sunday for the dispatch of business. What would they have said, had this been done by the opposite party? How easily do we excuse in our own conduct the offences we condemn in that of our brethren!

CHAPTER XI.

FROM THE BREAKING OUT OF THE CIVIL WAR TO

THE MARTYRDOM OF CHARLES.

Contents.

1. Origin of the War.-II. Assembly of Divines.-III. Attempt to alter the Thirty-nine Articles.-IV. The Covenant taken by the Parliament and Assembly.— V. Persecution of malignant Ministers who refused Subscription.-VI. Ordinance for defacing the Beauty of Churches.-VII. Abolition of the Hierarchy: Religious Parties: State of Religion.-VIII. The Directory for Public Worship and Assembly's Catechisms.IX. The trial of Laud.-X. His Execution and Character.-XI. Treaty of Uxbridge.-XII. Rise of the Independents in the Army: Fanatical Lay Preachers.XIII. Debates among the religious Parties; and Settlement of the Presbyterian Discipline.-XIV. The King surrenders himself to the Scots-Conduct of the Parliament.-XV. Charles's Controversy with Henderson relative to the Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy.-XVI. Proposals from the Parliament.— XVII. The Scots sell the King to the Parliament.— XVIII. Seizure of the King by the Army.-XIX. His removal to Carisbrook Castle.-XX. Vote for no further Addresses to the King-XXI. The Scots invade England.-XXII. Treaty of the Isle of Wight.

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