or opprefs

But there is

for all the

but either to set up a falfe title, the fubjects under a good one. a meaning in this cafe, and TRIMMER'S pretence to moderation, the understanding TORY only fhews it, who would have foldiers enough to protect the Government, but not to invade it and therefore our army in England (tho' perhaps our great officers may not approve it, and 'tis no matter, since their advice in State-matters is not like to be asked) augmented as it is, and well disciplined as it ought to be, is but an affistance to the Poffe-Comitatus, and a General, in effect, does but obey a Conftable. Upon this ground I dare conclude, that a competent force in defence of the King's perfon and prerogative, is as ncceffary a support to the Government, as the Lawcourts are in Westminster-ball: But who can help it if the TRIMMER's eyes are so daz'led with the glittering of a little army on Putneyheath, and his ears fo ftunn'd with trumpets and kettle-drums, that he has quite forgotten the oppofition that has been made these last fifty years, to the undoubted right of the Crown, and confequently to the peace of the Nation. Let him but think well of the factious and republican principles among

us, and of the unparallell'd boldness our nation always fhews in the worst designs as well as the beft; and my good opinion of our TRIMMER gives me almoft an assurance, that he will conclude ten thousand foldiers are now as neceffary to the King's fafety, and the people's quiet, as ever the band of penfioners and yeomen of the guard were heretofore. And I am confident he will believe that, as in times of great oppreffion and injustice, it would not be indecent for the House of Commons to defire moderate laws for their future preservation against it, and that they ought not for that to be fufpected of rebellion; fo when the ballance is too much on the other fide, and Kings only are in the danger, 'tis fure at least as fitting and as reasonable for them to encrease their guards and ftrength, which ought not to breed the leaft fufpicion in their fubjects. So that 'tis not the ufe, but ill use of Armies that can be reasonably complained of; and the TRIMMER is forced to confefs, the best things are fubject to that fometimes fince he cannot deny that misfortune to have happened even in Parliaments themselves.

ز

I am entirely of the TRIMMER's opinion as to printing of Books only on one fide,

and

and think it a very naufeous partiality; and for that very reafon I approve of the publishing those on the Crown's part at present, to counterpoise the much greater number written of late on the people's, till at last fuch a happy fettlement may follow, that it will be, I hope, as prepofterous to write a book in defence of loyalty, as of rebellion; no man in the world doubting the one, or endeavouring the other. 'Tis true, indeed, that perpetually cramming down peoples throats even the beft dict, is enough to make their stomachs rife againft it; but I hope the TRIMMER will not propofe a thing so partial, as to let all the libels remain unanfwered, though I confefs, moft of them deferve to be fo.

.

I am also as much as the TRIMMER against dividing the Sovereignty with any the neareft Kindred, much lefs with Affemblies; but think neither England nor Mufcovy good inftances of its inconvenience, which yet must be attributed only to our good fortune; and that being nothing but fome lefs obferved caufe, I will endeavour to inform the reader as to England; and leave the famous pen of Sir PETER WYCHE to do as much for Muscovy.

IT has fo happen'd here, that the only Brother and Heir of the Crown is a Prince indefatigable both in peace and war, and a zealous induftrious Minifter of State: This draws, as one may well imagine, a multitude of dependers after him, and in another Subject would have been counted a meritorious ļ fervice to his King and Country; but in

one fo nearly related to the Crown, is fufpected of ambition and defign, by fome of thofe who judge at a distance. But I refer the TRIMMER and my self to all those who approach him nearer, if ever there was a conduct more difinterested, more humble, or more fubmiffively obedient; which I confefs is fo extraordinary a thing, that I cannot blame the TRIMMER for fo prudent a precaution, it not being a Politician's business to depend on Miracles.

I concur intirely in believing it hardly poffible that any foreign dangers should be too fudden for a Parliament's affembling; but fure 'tis not impoffible for affemblies to be factious and dilatory, even bribed to be fo, by that very power which produces the danger? What if this fhould happen? Why, the TRIMMER himself cannot but admit of the remedy; (and to fhew my compliance

in

in requital of his) he cannot more approve the thing, than I do his filence concerning it. For 'tis a Sanctum Sanctorum to be approach'd but seldom even by Princes, and then too with fear and reverence. I agree also with the TRIMMER as to Parliaments in general, and think no King of England, without their concurrence, can be either great abroad, or absolute at home; and so I have done with his opinions about Laws and Government My next work is to confider what he fays of Religion.

AND here I must give that due applaufe which our TRIMMER deferves, fince nothing can be more reasonable, more good-natured and moral, than all his reflections on the Roman Catholicks and the late pretended Plot, which he fays ought no more to involve the whole party, tho' it were real, than the Gunpowder-treafon did before; because if the crimes of particular men, were chargeable on all those who profess the same principles, what might not Atheists and Infidels object against Christianity it felf, there being no fect in it free in all its members from most horrid impieties. I doubt not but our TRIMMER'S fo laudable moderation in this particular, has already found its reE 4 ward