towards that mob government, to which uni- greatness were laid in some of the extraordiversal suffrage would be the natural and ne-nary virtues of that republic. The personal cessary introduction.

frugality of her citizens; the reniarkable The delicate and refined female of our fa- simplicity of their manners; the habit of voured country will feel peculiar sensations transferring from themselves to the state all of thankfulness, in comparing her happy lot pretensions to external consequence and with the degraded state of women in the po- splendour; the strictness of her laws, and the litest ages of Greece. Condemned to igno- striking impartiality of their execution; that rance, labour, and obscurity; excluded from inflexible regard to justice, which led them, rational intercourse; debarred from every in the early ages of the republic-so little species of intellectual improvement or inno- was the doctrine of expediency in repute cent enjoyment; they never seem to have among them-to inflict penalties on those been the objects of respect or esteem; in the citizens who even conquered by deceit, and conjugal relation, the servile agent, not the not by valour; that vigilant attention to priendeared companion. Their depressed state vate morals which the establishment of a was, in some measure, confirmed by illiberal censorship secured, and that zeal for liberlegal institutions; and their native genius ty, which was at the same time supported was systematically restrained from rising by her political constitution.-These causes above one degraded level. Such was the were the true origin of the Roman greatness. lot of the virtuous part of the sex. We for- This was the pedestal on which her colossai bear to oppose to this gloomy picture the power was erected; and though she remainprofligate renown to which the bold preten-ed mistress of the world, even at a time when sions of daring vice clevated mercenary these virtues had begun to decline, the first beauty; nor would we glance at the impure impulse not having ceased to operate, yet a topic, but to remind our amiable country- discerning eye might even then perceive her women, that immodesty in dress, contempt growing internal weakness, and might antiof the sober duties of domestic life, a bound- cipate her final dissolution.

less appetite for pleasure, and a misapplied Republican Rome, however, has been devotion to the arts, were among the steps much too highly panegyrised. The Romans which led to this systematic profession of had, indeed, a public feeling, to which every shameless profligacy, and to the establish- kind of private affection gave way; and it ment of those countenanced corruptions which raised the more celebrated, but infamous, Athenian women

To that bad eminence.

is chiefly on the credit of their sacrificing their individual interests to the national cause, that they acquired so high a renown.

It may not be unworthy of remark, that the grand fundamental principle of the anEvery description of men, who know how cient republics (and though it was still more to estimate public good or private happi- strikingly manifest in the Grecian, it was in ness will joyfully acknowledge the visible ef- no small degree the case with republican tect which Christianity has had indepen- Rome) was different from that which condently of its influence over its real votaries) stitutes the essential principle of the British in improving and elevating the general stan- constitution, and even opposite to it. In the dard of morals, so as considerably to rectify former the public was every thing; the and raise the conduct of those who are not rights, the comforts, the very existence of directly actuated by its principles. And, individuals, were as nothing. With us, haplastly, to say nothing of a pure church esta-pily the case is very different, nay even exblishment, so diametrically the reverse of actly the reverse. The well-being of the the deplorably blind and ignorant rites of whole community is provided for, by effecAthenian worship,-who can contemplate, tually securing the rights, the safety, the without thankful heart, that large infusion comforts of every individual. Among the of Christianity into our national laws, which ancients, the grossest acts of injustice against has set them so infinitely above all compari-private persons were continually perpetrated son with the admired codes of Lycurgus and and were regarded as beneath account, when

of Solon?

CHAP. VIII.
Rome.

they stood in the way of the will, the interest, the aggrandizement, the glory of the state. In our happier country, not the meanest subject can be injured in his person or his possessions. The little stock of the artisan, the peaceful cottage of the pea

Ir the Romans from being a handful of sant, is secured to him by the universal subanditti, rendered themselves in a short pe-perintendance, and the strong protection of riod lords of the universe;-if Rome, from the public force. The state is justly consibeing an ordinary town in Italy, became dered as made up of an aggregate of partiforemost in genius and in arms, and at length cular families; and it is by securing the wellunrivalled in imperial magnificence; let it be remembered that the foundations of this

Acts of the Apostles, ch. xvii.

being of each, that all are preserved in pros perity. We could delight to descant largely on this topic; and surely the contemplation could not but warm the hearts of Britons

the citizens, communicated a peculiar hardiness to the Roman character, and served to retard the growth both of luxury and faction. That public spirit which might be justified when it applied itself to wars of selfdefence, became by degrees little better than the principle of a band of robbers on a great scale; at the best, of honourable robbers, who, for the sake of the spoil, agree fairly to co-operate in order to obtain it, and divide it equally when it is obtained.

with lively gratitude to the author of all Italy, they proceeded to add conquest to contheir blessings, and with zealous attachment quest, making in the pride of conscious suto that constitution, which conveys and se- periority, wars evidently the most unjust. cures to them the enjoyment of such une-Yet it must not be denied, that the occupaqualled happiness! But we dare not expa- tion which progressive conquests found for tiate in so wide a field. Let us, however, remark the degree in which the benevolent spirit of Christianity is transfused into our political system. As it was the glory of our religion to take the poor under her instruction, and to administer her consolations to the wretched, so it is the beauty of our constitution that she considers not as below her care, the seats of humble but honest industry; the peaceful dwellings, and quiet employments of the lover of domestic comfort. Again-This vital spirit of our constitu- This public spirit seems to have existed so tion is favourable to virtue, as well as con- long as there were any objects of foreign genial with religion, and conducive to hap-ambition remaining, and so long as any sense piness. It checks that spirit of injustice and was left to foreign danger. Even in the oppression which is so manifest in the con- midst of unlawful and unrelenting war, it is duct of the ancient republics towards all important to bear in mind, that many of the other nations. It tends to diffuse a general ancient virtues were still assiduously cultisense of moral obligation, a continual refer- vated; the laws were still had in reverence, ence to the claims of others, and our own and, in spite of a corrupt polytheism, and of consequent obligations; in short, a continual many and great defects in the morality and reference to the real rights of man; a term the constitution of Rome, this was the salt which, though so shamefully abused, and which, for a time, preserved her. The converted into a watch-word of riot and re- firmness of character, and deep political sabellion, yet, truly and properly understood, gacity of the Romans, seem to have borne is of sound meaning and constant applica- an exact proportion to each other. That tion. By princes especially, these rights foreseeing wisdom, that penetrating policy, should ever be kept in remembrance. They which led Montesquieu to observe, that they were, indeed, never so well secured, as by conquered the world by maxims and princithat excellent injunction of our blessed Sa-ples, seem in reality, to have insured the viour, to do to others as we would have them do to us. And to which the apostle's brief, but comprehensive directions, form an admirable commentary; Honour all menLove your brethren-Fear God-Honour the king.

success of their conquests, almost more than their high national valour, and their bold spirit of enterprize.

What was it which afterwards plunged Rome into the lowest depths of degradation, and finally blotted her out from among the But, to return to the Romans; their very nations? It was her renouncing those maxpatriotism, by leading them to thirst for uni-ims and principles. It was her departure versal empire, finally destroyed them, being from every virtuous and self-denying habit. no less fatal to the morals, than to the great- It was the gradual relaxation of private ness of the state, Even their vaunted pub- morals. It was the substitution of luxury lic spirit partly originated in the necessities for temperance, and of a mean and narrow of their situation. They were a little state, selfishness for public spirit. It was a consurrounded by a multitude of other little tempt for the sober manners of the ancient states, and they had no safety but in union, republic, and a dereliction of the old princiNecessity first roused the genius of war, ples of government, even while the forms of and the habits of experienced and success- that government were retained. It was the ful valour kept him awake. The love of introduction of a new philosophy more fawealth and power, in latter ages, carried on vourable to sensuality; it was the importawhat original bravery had begun; till, in tion, by her Asiatic proconsuls, of every luxthe unavoidable vicissitude of human affairs, ury which could pamper that sensuality. It Rome perished beneath the weight of that was, in short, the evils, resulting from those pile of glory which she had been so long two passions which monopolized their souls, rearing. the lust of power, and the lust of gold.Their laws and constitution were natural-These passions operated on each other, as ly crlculated to promote their public spirit, cause and effect, action and reaction; and and to produce their union. Having suc- produced that rapid corruption which Salceeded in repelling the attacks of the small lust describes with so much spint-Mores rival powers, and, by their peculiar fortune, majorum non paulatim ut antea, sed torrenor rather by the designation of Providence, tis modo precipitati. Profligacy, venality, having become the predominating power in

• Carlo Denina on the ancient Republics of Italy.

peculation, oppression, succeeded to that simplicity, patriotism, and high-minded disinterestedness, on which this nation had once

so much valued itself, and which had attract-away that reverence for the gods, which ed the admiration of the world. So that alone could preserve that deep sense of the Rome, in the days of her pristine severity of sanctity of oaths for which Rome, in her manners, and Rome in the last period of her better days, had been so distinguished. She freedom, exhibits a stronger contrast than had originally established her political syswill be found between almost any two countries.

tem on this fear of the Gods; and the people continued, as appears from Livy, to pracThis depravation does not refer to solitary tise the duties of their religion* (such as it instances, to the shamelessness of a Verres, was) more scrupulously than any other anor the profligacy of a Piso, but to the gene- cient nation. The most amiable of the Roral practice of avowed corruption and sys- man patriots attributes the antecedent suctematic venality. By the just judgment cess and grandeur of his country to their conof Providence, the enjoyment of the spoils viction, that all events are directed by a brought home from the conquered nations Divine Power; and Polybius, speaking corrupted the conquerors; and at length merely as a politician, accuses some, in his compelled Rome, in her turn, both to fly age, of rashness and absurdity, for endeabefore her enemies, and to bow down her vouring to extirpate the fear of the gods; dehead under the most intolerable domestic claring, that what others held to be an ob yoke. Rome had no more the spirit to make ject of disgrace, he believed to be the very any faint struggle for liberty after the death thing by which the republic was sustained. of Cæsar, than Greece after that of Alexan- He illustrates his position by adducing the der, though to each the occasion seemed to conduct of the two great states, one of which, present itself. Neither state had virtue from its adoption of the doctrines of Epicuenough left to deserve, or even to desire to rus had no sense of religion left, and consebe free. The wisdom of Cato should, in the quently no reverence for the solemnities of case of Rome, have discovered this; and it an oath, which the other retained in its full should have spared him the fruitless at- force. If among the Greeks,' says he, a tempt to restore liberty to a country which single talent only be intrusted to those who its vices had enslaved, and have preserved have the management of any of the public him, even on his own principles, from self- money, though they give ten written suredestruction. ties, with as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, they are unable to discharge the trust reposed in them with integrity,while the Romans, who, in their magistracies and embassies, disburse the greatest sums, are prevailed on, by the single obligation of an oath, to perform their duty with inviolable honesty.'

Among the causes of the political servitude of Rome may be reckoned, in a considerable degree, the institution of the Pretorian bands, who, in a great measure, governed both the Romans and the emperors. These Pretorian bands presented the chief difficulty in the way of good emperors, some of whom they destroyed for attempting to reform them; and of the bad emperors they were the electors.

In her subsequent total dereliction of this integrity, what a lesson does Rome hold out to us, to be careful not to lose the influences In perusing the Roman history, these, and of a purer religion! To guard, especially, other causes of the decline and fall of the against the fatal effects of a needless multiempire, should be carefully shown; the plication of oaths, and the light mode in tendency of private vices to produce fac- which they are too frequently administered! tions, and the tendency of factions to over- The citizens of Rome, in the days of the throw liberty; a spirit of dissension, and a younger Cato, had no resource left against rapid deterioration of morals, being in all this pressing evil, because it was in vain to states, the most deadly, and, indeed, the in- inculcate a reverence for their gods, and to separable symptoms of expiring freedom. revive the influence of their religion. But, The no less baneful influence of arbitrary if even the belief of false gods had the powpower, in the case of the many profligate er of conveying political and moral benefits, and cruel emperors who succeeded, should which the dark system of atheism annihilabe clearly pointed out. ted, how earnestly should we endeavour to It is also a salutary lesson on the hunger remove and diffuse the ancient defence for of conquest, and the vanity of ambition, to the true religion, by teaching systematically trace the Roman power, by its vast acces- and seriously, to our youth, the divine prinsion of territory, losing in solidity what it ciples of that Christianity which, in better gained in expansion; furnishing a lasting times, was the honourable practice of our example to future empires, who trust too forefathers, and which can alone restore much for the stability of their greatness to the deceitful splendour of remote acquisition, and the precarious support of distant colonial attachment.

Above all, the fall of Rome may be attributed, in no small degree, to the progress, and, gradually to the prevalence of the epicurean philosophy, and to its effect in taking

• Nulla unquam respublica sanctior, nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit.

+ See Montague on the Rise and Fall of ancient Republies.

Hampton's Polybius, vol. ii. book 6. on the excellencies of the Roman government,

a due veneration for the solemnity of his energy, spirit, and variety must interest caths.*

CHAP. IX.

all readers of taste, statesmen will best know his value, and politicians will look up to him as a master.-XENOPHON, the Attic bee, equally admirable in whatever point of view he is considered; a consummate general, historian, and philosopher; who carried on the historic series of the Greek revolutions from the period at which Thucydides discontinued it; like him was driven into banishment from that country, of which he was so bright an ornament,–

And with his exil'd hours enrich'd the world!

Characters of historians, who were concernin the transactions which they record. Of the modern writers of ancient history, the young reader will find that Rollint has, in one respect, the decided superiority; we mean in his practice of intermixing useful reflections on events and characters. But, we should strongly recommend the perusal of such portions of the original ancient his- The conductor and narrator of a retreat torians, as a judicious preceptor would more honourable and more celebrated than select. And, in reading historians, or poli- the victories of other leaders; a writer, who ticians, ancient or modern, the most likely is considered by the first Roman critic, as way to escape theories and fables, is to study the most exquisite model of simplicity and those writers who were themselves actors elegance; and who in almost all the transacin the scenes which they record. Among the principal of these is-THUCY-POLYBIUS, trained to be a statesman in the tions which he relates, magna pars fuit.— DIDES, whose opportunities of obtaining in- Achæan league, and a warrior at the conformation, whose diligence in collecting it, quest of Carthage; the friend of Scipio, and and whose judgment and fidelity in record- the follower of Fabius; and who is said to ing it, have obtained for him the general be more experimentally acquainted with the suffrage of the best judges; who had a con-wars and politics of which he treats, than siderable share in many of the events which any other Greek. He is however, more he records, having been an unfortunate, authentic than entertaining; and the votathough meritorious commander in the Pelo-ries of certain modern historians, who are ponnesian war, of which he is the incompa-satisfied with an epigram instead of a fact, rable historian;-whose chronological accu- who like turns of wit better than sound poliracy is derived from his early custom of pre-tical reflections, and prefer an antithesis to paring materials as the events arose; and truth, will not justly appreciate the merit of whose genius confers as much honour, as his Polybius, whose love of authenticity induced unmerited exile reflects disgrace, on his na-him to make several voyages to the places tive Athens. In popular governments, and of which his subjects led him to speak. in none perhaps so much as in those of CESAR, of whom it would be difficult to say, Greece, the ill effects or mismanagement at whether he planned his battles with more home have been too frequently charged on skill, fought them with more valour, or dethose who have had the conduct of armies scribed them with more ability; or whether abroad; and where a sacrifice must be his sword or pen executed his purpose with made, that of the absent is always the most more celerity and effect; but, who will be easy. The integrity and patriotism of less interesting to the general reader, than Thucydides, however, were proof against to the statesman and soldier. His commenthe ingratitude of the republic. His work was as impartial as if Athens had been just; like Clarendon, he devoted the period of his banishment to the composition of a history, which was the glory of the country that banished him.-A model of candour, he wrote not for a party or a people, but for the world; not for the applause of his age, but the instruction of posterity. And though

The admiral Hooker observes, that even the falsest religions were mixed with some truths, which had 'very notable effects.' Speaking of the dread of per jury in the ancient Romans, he adds, 'It was their hurt untruly to attribute so great power to false gods, as that they were able to prosecute, with fearful tokens of divine revenge, the wilful violation of oaths and execrabie blasphemies, offered by deriders of religion even unto those false gods. Yet the right belief which they bad, that to perjury vengeance is due, was not without good effect, as touching the course of their lives who feared the wilful violation of caths.' Ecclesiastical Polity.

+ The writer forbears to name living authors.

taries, indeed, will be perused with less advantage by the hereditary successor of the sovereign of a settled constitution, than by those who are struggling with the evils of civil commotion. JOINVILLE, whose life of his great master, saint Louis, is written with the spirit of the ancient nobles, and the vivid earnestness of one, who saw with interest what he describes with fidelity; having been companion to the king in the expeditions which he records. PHILIPPE DE COMINES, who possessed, by his personal concern in public affairs, all the avenues to the political and historical knowledge of his time, and whose memoirs will be admired while acute penetration, sound sense, and solid judgment survive. DAVILA, who learned the art of war under that great master, Henry the fourth of France, and whose history of the civil wars of that country furnishes a variety of valuable matter; who possesses the happy talent of giving interest to details, which would be dry in other

hands; who brings before the eyes of the spirit, and honourable confidence of private reader, every place which he describes, and friendship. His writings give the clearest every scene in which he was engaged; while insight into the period and events of which his intimate knowledge of business, and of he treats; and his easy, though careless human nature, enables him to unveil with style, and well-bred manner, would come, address, the mysteries of negotiation, and almost more than any other, under the dethe subtilties of statesmen. This excellent scription of what may be called the genteel, work is disgraced by the most disgusting did not his vanity a little break the charm. panegyrics on the execrable Catharine di None, however, except his political wriMedici, an offence against truth and virtue, tings, are meant to be recommended; his too glaring to be atoned for by any sense of religious opinions being highly exceptionable personal obligation. In consequence of this and absurd. Yet it is but justice to add, that partiality, he speaks of the massacre of saint his unambitious temper, his fondness for Bartholomew, as slightly as if it had been a private life, his enjoyment of its peace, and merely common act of necessary rigour on his taste for its pleasures, render his characa few criminals; an execution being the cool ter interesting and amiable. The manners term by which he describes that tremendous painting CLARENDON, the able chancellor, deed.* GUICCIARDIN, a diplomatic his-the exemplary minister, the inflexible patorian, a lawyer, and a patriot; whose te-triot, who stemmed, almost singly, the tordious orations and florid style cannot destroy rent of vice, corruption, and venality; and the merit of this great work, the value of who was not ashamed of being religious in a which is enhanced by the piety and probity court which was ashamed of nothing else; of his own mind. SULLY, the intrepid war-whom the cabal hated for his integrity, and rior, the able financier, the uncorrupt minis-the court for his purity; a statesman who ter, who generally regulated the deep de-might have had statues erected to him in signs of the consummate statesman, by the any other period but in that in which he the inflexible rules of religion and justice; lived; would have reformed most other whose memoirs should be read by ministers, governments but that to which he belonged, to instruct them how to serve kings; and by and been supported by almost any king but kings, to teach them how to choose minis-him whom he had the misfortune to serve. ters. CARDINAL DE RETZ, who delineates Clarendon, the faithful biographer of his with accuracy and spirit the principal ac-own life; the majestic and dignified historian tors in the wars of the Fronde, in which he of the grand rebellion; whose periods somehimself had been a chief agent; who deve-times want beauty, but never sense, though lops the dissimulation of courts, with the that sense is often wrapped up in an involuskilfulness of an adept in the arts which he tion and perplexity which a little obscure it; unfolds, yet affecting, while he portrays the whose style is weighty and significant, artifices of others, a simplicity, the very re- though somewhat retarded by the stateliverse of his real character; while his levityness of its march, and encumbered with a rein writing retains so much of the licentious-dundancy of words. TORCY, whose meness, and want of moral and religious princi-moirs, though they may be thought to bear ple of his former life, that he cannot be rather hard on the famous plenipotentiaries safely recommended to those whose princi- with whom he negotiated, and on the ples of judgment and conduct are not fixed. haughtiness of the allies who employed Yet, his characters of the two famous cardi- them, are written with much good sense, nal prime ministers may be read with advan-modesty, and temper. They present a tage by those, whose business leads them striking reverse in the fortune of the impeto such studies. The reader of de Retz rious disturber of Europe, fallen from his will find frequent occasion to recognise the high estate.' He who had been used to give homage which even impiety and vice pay his orders from the banks of the Po, the to religion and virtue, while the abundant Danube, and the Tagus, is seen reduced to corruptions of popery will call forth from supplicate for peace, and to exchange the every considerate protestant, devout sensa- insolence of triumph for the hope of existtions of gratitude to Heaven, for having de-ence. Two Dutch burgomasters, haughtily livered us from the tyranny of a system, so favourable to the production of the rankest abuses in the church, and the grossest superstition in the people. TEMPLE, the zealous negotiator of the triple alliance, and worthy, by his spirit and candour, to be the associate of De Wit in that great business which was transacted between them, with the liberal

Who can help regretting that the lustre of one of the most elegant works of antiquity, Quintilian's Institution of an Orator, should be in a similar manner tar nished by the most preposterous panegyrics on the the emperor Domitian!

imposing their own terms on a monarch who had before filled France with admiration, and Europe with alarm. This reverse must impress the mind of the reader, as it does that of the writer, with an affecting sense of that controlling Providence, which thus derides the madness of ambition, and the folly of worldly wisdom; that Providence which, in maintaining its character of being the abaser of the proud, produces, by means at first sight the most opposite, the accomplishment of its own purposes; and renders the unprincipled lust of dominion the instrument of its own humiliation. The