France, and blank paper put in their stead. The committee of congress appointed to examine the bills, made a report, which was unanimously adopted. By this they rejected the proposals of Great Britain.

Congress finding that the royal commissioners were industriously circulating these bills in a partial and secret manner, ordered them to be printed in all the newspapers, with the resolutions of congress upon them, which were in substance as follows: That whoever presumed to make a separate agreement with Britain, should be deemed a public enemy; that the United States could not, with any propriety, keep correspondence with the commissioners until their independence was acknowledged, and the British fleet and armies removed from America. At the same time, the colonies were warned not to suffer themselves to be deceived into security by any offers that might be made; but to use their utmost endeavors to send their quotas with all diligence into the field.

On this occasion Gov. Tryon inclosed several copies of of the bills to Gen. Washington, in a letter, entreating him to allow them to be circulated; to which the general returned for answer a copy of a newspaper, in which the bills, together with the resolutions of congress, were inserted and governor Trumbull, upon a similar letter and application, returned an answer to the following effect: There was a day when even this step, from the then acknowledged parent state, might have been accepted with joy and gratitude; but that day is past irrevocably; and there are insuperable bars to the very idea of concluding a peace with Great Britain, on any other conditions, than the most absolute, perfect, independence.

The season for action was now approaching; and congress was indefatigable in its preparations for a new campaign, which it was confidently said would be the last. Among other methods taken for this purpose, it was recommended to all the young gentlemen of the colonies to form themselves into bodies of cavalry, to serve at their own expense during the war. General Washington at the same time, to remove all incumbrances from his army, lightened the baggage as much as possible, by substituting sacks and portmanteaus in place of chests and boxes, and using pack horses instead of waggons. On the other hand, the British army, expecting to be reinforced by 20,000 men, thought of nothing but concluding the war according to their wishes before the end of the campaign. It was with the utmost concern, as well as indignation, therefore,

that they received the news of lord North's conciliatory bills. This measure was universally looked upon as a national disgrace; and some even tore the cockades from their hats, and trampled them under their feet as a token of their indignation.

On the 3d of May, 1778, Mr. S. Deane arrived in America express from France, and brought with him copies of the two treaties of alliance and commerce with France, to be ratified by congress. This joyful news was quickly announced to the people in a gazette, wherein the chief articles of the treaty were mentioned, together with the pleasing accounts from other parts, setting forth that almost all the European powers viewed America with an eye of friendship. The treaties were duly weighed, and considered separately the next day, and upon each it was unanimously resolved, "That the same be, and is hereby accepted." The .next resolution was, That this congress entertain the highest sense of the inagnanimity and wisdom of his most christian majesty, so strongly exemplified in the treaty of amity and commerce; and the commissioners representing these states, at the court of France, are directed to present the grateful acknowledgments of this congress to his most christian majesty, for his truly magnanimous conduct respecting these states, in the said generous and disinterested treaties, and to assure his majesty, on the part of this congress, it is sincerely wished, that the friendship so happily commenced between France and these United States may be perpetual."

The congress, after receiving the treaties, had a stronger feeling of their own importauce than before, and resolved, "That the commissioners appointed for the courts of Spain, Tuscany, Vienna, and Berlin, should live in such style and manner at their respective courts, as they may find suitable and necessary to support the dignity of their public character."

On the eighth of May, they agreed to a draught of "An address to the inhabitants of the United States of America." In this publication, when they come to the French treaty, they say, "You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence, cannot secure your country from desolation, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from butchery. Foiled in the principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then to your tents, and gird you for battle: It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of the destroyer. They have filled up

the measure of their abominations, and, like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace, whilst any corner of America is in the possession of your foes. You must drive them away from this land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren, at the extremities of the continent, already implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense to them the heavenly gift. And what is there to prevent it?"

The alliance between France and America was publicly announced to the British court, on the 13th of March, in a rescript delivered to lord Weymouth, by the French ambassador: And the communication was made under the pretence of cultivating a good understanding between France and Great Britain.

The reception of this rescript was notified by the minister to the house of commons on the 17th; and was accompanied with a message from the king, intimating that he should be under the necessity of resenting so unprovoked and so unjust an aggression on the honor of his crown, and the essential interests of his kingdom; and expressing his firm confidence on the zealous and affectionate support of his faithful people. An address was moved for in answer to it, to assure the king of the readiness of the people to stand by him in asserting the dignity of his crown, and the honor of the nation, and to submit with cheerfulnss and spirit to the expenses that would be requisite, which was carried after a long debate. In the house of lords, the debates upon the like occasion were attended with an acrimony of language, and a freedom of thought, that seemed to scorn all restraint; but the question for an address was carried by a majority of near three to one. On the 21st of March, a public audience and reception was given to the American deputies, Messrs Franklin, Deane, and Lee, by the French monarch. They were introduced by Mr. Vergennes, and received by the king with the usual formalities and ceremonials. This striking acknowledgment of the plenipotentiaries from the United States, must have mortified the ministry and crown of Great Britain; and may be pronounced the political phenomenon of Europe. The day before it was exhibited, the French ambassador, in consequence of orders to quit London, set out for Paris.

An inquiry into the state of the nation had been proposed some time back, and continued with unabat.

ed assiduity in both houses. It was warmly conterded by the members in opposition, that the present ministry ought to be removed on account of their numberless blunders and miscarriages in every instance. Several of the most respectable members in opposition, and even some of the opposite party, were of opinion, that the only way to extricate the nation from its trouble, was to acknowledge the independency of America at once; and thus do with a good grace what must inevitably be done at last, after expending much more blood and treasure than had yet been lavished inthis unhappy contest. Their independence, they said, was not only already established, but had obtained such time to fix and settle upon its foundations, that it appeared now too firm to be shaken by the utmost efforts of Britain, even supposing it were left, without any foreign support, merely to the exertions of its own internal strength. But in that situation, to form any hope of being equal to its overthrow, under the acknowledgment and support of the House of Bourbon, was, they said, an idea only fit to be entertained by

bedlamites.

On this occasion lord Chatham made his last and most affecting speech in the house of lords. "My lords," says he," the times are alarming; the state is indeed in danger! and nothing but the poor condition of my health could so long have prevented me from attending to my duty in parliament at this very important period. But advice is now so necessary, that although sorely pressed by the hand of infirmity, I have made an effort, almost beyond my constitution, to come down to the house to give my best advice to your lordships, and to express my indignation at the pusillani. mous, the disgraceful idea of giving up the dependence of America on the sovereignty of Britain. Feeble as I am, I rejoice that I am yet alive, that the grave has not altogether closed on me, before I had an opportunity of giving my vote against so impolitic a measure, as the acknowledgment of the independence of America.

"That our public affairs have, for some years past, been shamefully managed, I have frequently endeavored to convince your lordships; and although I condemned the measures which have for some time been adopted by the majority of this house, yet I have been always against the independence of America, and never would support measures carried on in unrecanted error; but after a full recantation of these erroneous measures, and after a repeal of all the oppressive acts, it is the duty of every lover of his country, of every

good citizen, to take care, while, on the one hand, he preserves the rights and privileges of the colonies, he does not, on the other, tarnish the lustre of his royal master's crown, nor sink the glory of the British nation. The tendency and plain language of the present motion is, to disgrace our sovereign, and to bring reproach upon us as a nation. It is, in a manner, totally to annibilate this once great empire. I choose to speak my sentiments, even though there may be danger in doing 80. I always hated reserve; and never did approve of halting between two opinions, when there was no middle path to steer with certainty. The perfidy of France ought to rouse us, and make us strain every nerve, open every vein, to preserve our national character, and to preserve us from being scoffed and laughed at by foreigners. It is now absolutely necessary to declare for peace or war; and when the former cannot be preserved with honor, the latter ought to be commenced without hesitation. What is life without reputation? And does that person deserve the name of a man, of an Englishman, who would not lay down his life, to pre. serve the ancient dignity of his country? We may possibly fail in the attempt, but still let us make an effort, one united effort, to prevent such national disgrace. If we fall in the attempt, Europe will at least be convinced, that we had as much virtue left as to fall like men. "But, it is said, we ought to make peace with America on any terms, and bring home our troops in order to protect ourselves; in short, that we should allow a foreign ambassador insolently to tell us, that his master had made a bargain for that commerce which was our natural right, and entered into a treaty with our own subjects, without so much as resenting it.-Mereiful God! to what a low ebb must this once great empire be now reduced, when any of her senators (pointing to the duke of Richmond) can raise up his head, and with a grave face openly hold forth such timid, such dastardly counsels?-This never was the language of Britain, and never shall be mine.-What! can it be possible that we are the same people, who about sixteen years ago were the envy and admiration of all the world? Is not this England?-Is not this the senate of Great Britain? And can we forget that we are Englishmen? Can we have forgot that the nation has stood the Danish irruptions-the Scotch inroads-the Norman Conquests-the Spanish armada-and the various efforts of the Bourbon compacts?-Why are we blinded by despair? Why should we sit down in ignominious tameness; and, with a desponding face, say to France,