multitudes of the British people scarcely even taste of butchers' meat from one year's end to another. I must here occupy no more space than is necessary for one extract, and then refer to the statistics in that part of this work in which I treat of the condition of the mass of the "beef-eating" countrymen of our author. Says W. E. Hickson Esq. in his report on the condition of the working classes. "But taking the whole body of agricul tural labourers supposed to derive the greatest practical benefit from our corn-laws, beef and mutton as articles of food among them are almost unknown from the north of England to the south." I quote from Mr. Hickson, because his authority is conclusive on this matter.

Again, in speaking of emigration, "Libertas" says, "America is very jealous of the introduction of more paupers into the country-she imposes a tax on all emigrants on their arrival, to cover the risk of pauperism."-Can he blame us for so doing, when he considers that England is constantly casting upon our shores the contents of her workhouses, jails, hospitals and prisons? From all the statistics I have been able to gather, and from conversations with a large number of magistrates and judges, I have come to the conclusion that more than one third of all the crimes committed in the United States of every description are committed by foreigners-that one half of all the free people of the United States, who can neither read nor write are foreigners. A proportion of nearly

if not quite ten to one, when we consider the proportion which foreigners bear to our native population. And this I do not set down so much against the emigrants themselves, as I do against the government which has starved them into vice, and then exiled them from its shores. But for accurate information on the subject, I refer you to "the American Quarterly Review for 1834," which says--"In the city of New York the following extracts have been obtained, illustrative of the comparative amount of poverty and crime as existing among native Americans and foreigners, from all parts of the United States.

Of the out-door relief bestowed by the city au

thorities, it is estimated by the visiters, that eight

out of ten are foreigners, and the same proportion may be fairly assumed for charity."

If there is any truth in these statistics, the duty of self-protection manifestly requires us to "impose a tax on emigrants to cover the risk of pauperism," for it appears this risk is no small

matter.

We are, with a tax.

"This is not done in England," he remarks. What, no tax imposed! And is not England flooded with emigrants? Her ports are open then, offering an asylum to the poor and the oppressed of other lands. It will be a long time, however, I fancy, before it will be necessary to impose a tax to prevent the too copious flow of emigration to her shores. A tax is not necessary to prevent men from crowding voluntarily to Newgate. The world's poor do not often flee into that glorious land, where "taxes are lower and rents cheaper than in America,"-where "the government watches with so much parental care over the interests of the poor." The most striking instances of this care, that now occur to me, have been in the government's providing a free passage out of the country, to citizens she had made paupers, and whom she could not conveniently support any longer. It is a singular fact too, that the parental government of "Libertas" should have sent so many of them to this country, where if his statements are true, they were sure to be in a worse condition than they were before. "A government should represent a parent," says Bulwer: "with

us it represents a dun with the bailiff at his heels."

What intelligent man, did this most reckless of writers suppose would believe him to speak the truth, when he said "that instances of cruelty in only two factories can be found in evidence laid before Parliament," by commissioners appointed to inquire into the abuses of the Factory System— and that no overseer of the mills could ever have been allowed, "with impunity," harshly to treat children? It cannot be that he is aware of the evidence laid before Parliament on the subject, or he would not venture such assertions. In his "England and the English," after extracting a portion of the "dark and terrible history of early suffering, developed in the evidence on the Factory Bill," Bulwer says: "I could go on multiplying these examples at random from every page of this huge callender of childish suffering." I might adduce multitudes of instances to prove either the ignorance or the insincerity of "Libertas." But this extract from Bulwer will probably suffice.

But he more than insinuates that what little abuse is inflicted upon factory children, is not done with impunity; that the tyrannical perpetrators of these cruelties are always brought to justice. Now I make the broad assertion, that the debates and reports of Parliament and its commissions, prove hundreds, if not thousands of such cases to have existed, and the indignation of the humane

portion of the British nation burst forth, because they had been so often inflicted, and in nearly or quite every case, inflicted with impunity.

Said Lord Ashley, who has distinguished himself for the deep interest he, has manifested for many years in the sufferings of the operatives, "Nothing has ever more deeply excited my astonishment, or my indignation, than the fact that these barbarous cruelties, of which we have heard so much, have been inflicted with impunity-that the perpetrators of such unheard of barbarities have not been brought to justice."

It will require something more than a simple denial, to disprove the statements I made in regard to the present sufferings of the Factory children. I said that the statutory restrictions of Parliament had produced little good-that they had remained almost a dead letter. It will be seen from the extract I make below, that Von Raumer holds the same opinion. And I certainly cannot appeal to a writer more deserving of respect, or one held in higher regard by all parties in England. He says in his work on England, "Many humane persons have maintained that the children who work in factories, are in a far worse condition than the apprentices were formerly, or even their Negro slaves.

*

These children, say their advocates, though but from nine to fourteen years old, work from ten to sixteen hours a day. * If the time of labour of the children were reduced, the wages must of course be reduced, or the price