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tation of the treaty of Vienna, proceeds to ascribe the continuance of the insurrection in Poland to the moral and material assistance which it receives from without; admits vaguely the six points; rejects the proposed suspension of hostilities; refuses to accept a conference of the eight powers who signed the treaty; and, finally, declares that the re-establishment of order must precede the serious application of any measures destined for the pacification of Poland.

Her Majesty's Government will now proceed to examine calmly the principal topics of Prince Gortchakoff's reply to the considerations brought before him in my despatch.

1. Prince Gortchakoff, while he admits that confidence on the part of the governed, and the ascendancy of law over arbitrary power, must be the foundation of order and stability, adds that the indispensable corollary to these principles is respect for authority. But the Russian Cabinet cannot be ignorant that clemency and conciliation are often more effective in establishing respect for authority than material force. It would be a lamentable error to seek to restore that respect by force of arms alone, without the addition of some adequate security for the political and religious rights of the subjects of the King of Poland. Such security the proposals of the three powers held out to Russia and to Poland alike.

It has pleased the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh not to avail itself of this mode of restoring respect for authority.

2. Prince Gortchakoff affirms-and this view is the theme of the beginning and end of his despatch-that the re-establishment of order in Poland is dependent upon a condition to which he had called the attention of the Government of Her Britannic Majesty, "and which is not only unfulfilled, but is not even alluded to in the despatch of Lord Russell; we refer to the material assistance and moral encouragements obtained from abroad by the insurgents."

Her Majesty's Government would have been glad to have avoided this topic, and instead of commenting on the past, to refer only to healing measures for the future.

But thus compelled by Prince Gortchakoff's reference to allude to the subject, Her Majesty's Government have no hesitation in declaring their conviction that the principal obstacle to the re-establishment of order in Poland is not the assistance obtained by the insurgents from abroad, but the conduct of the Russian Government itself.

The Empress Catherine in 1772 pro

mised to the Poles the maintenance of their religion. The Emperor Alexander I. in 1815 promised to the Poles national representation and national administra

tion.

These promises have not been fulfilled. During many years the religion of the Poles was attacked, and to the present hour they are not in possession of the political rights assured to them by the treaty of 1815 and the constitution of the same year.

The violation of these solemn engagements on the part of the Russian Govern ment produced disaffection, and the sudden invasion of the homes of Warsaw in a night of January last was the immediate cause of the present insurrection.

Unless the general feeling in Poland had been estranged from Russia, the moral and material assistance afforded from abroad would have availed the insurgents little. It is true, however, that lively sympathy has been excited in Europe in favour of the Poles. In every considerable State where there exists a national representation,-in England, in France, in Austria, in Prussia, in Italy, in Spain, in Portugal, in Sweden, in Denmark,that sympathy has been manifested. Wherever there is a National Administration, the Administration has shared, though with prudence and reserve in expression, the feelings of the legislature and the nation.

Russia ought to take into account these sympathies, and profit by the lesson which they teach.

3. Prince Gortchakoff lays much stress on the fact, which cannot be denied, that "the insurgents demand neither an amnesty, nor an autonomy, nor a representation more or less complete."

But it would be a mistake to suppose that in cases of this kind there are only two parties, viz. the Government occupied in suppressing the insurrection, and the leaders of the insurgents busy in fomenting and extending it. Besides these parties there is always in such cases a large floating mass who would be quite contented to see persons and property secure under a just and beneficent administration. The confidence of this great mass has not been obtained, and their continued inaction can hardly be depended upon.

Her Majesty's Government must again represent the extreme urgency of attempting at once the work of conciliation which is so necessary for the general interest.

In profiting by the loyal and disin terested assistance which is offered her by Austria, France, and Great Britain, the Court of Russia secures to herself the most powerful means towards making

ideas of moderation prevail in Poland, and thus laying the foundations of permanent

peace.

4. In referring to the treaty of Vienna, Prince Gortchakoff says that "we should not be far from the truth if we affirmed that the 1st Article of the treaty of Vienna was prepared by and directly emanated from His Majesty the Emperor Alexander I."

Her Majesty's Government readily admit the probability of this supposition. In 1815, Great Britain, Austria, France, and Prussia would have preferred to the arrangement finally made, a restoration of the ancient kingdom of Poland as it existed prior to the first partition of 1772, or even the establishment of a new independent kingdom of Poland, with the same limits as the present kingdom.

The great army which the Emperor Alexander then had in Poland, the important services which Russia had rendered to the Alliance, and, above all, a fear of the renewal of war in Europe, combined to make Great Britain, Austria, and Prussia accept the arrangement proposed by the Emperor Alexander, although it was, in their eyes, of the three arrangements in contemplation the one least likely to produce permanent peace and security in Europe.

But the more Her Majesty's Government see in the decision adopted the prevailing influence of Russia, the more they are impressed with the conviction that the Emperor of Russia ought to be, of all sovereigns, the most desirous to observe the conditions of that arrangement.

It would not be open to Russia to enjoy all the benefits of a large addition to her dominions, and to repudiate the terms of the instrument upon which her tenure depends.

In stating these terms Prince Gortchakoff says that the only stipulation which can have made it appear doubtful that the Emperor of Russia possessed the kingdom of Poland by the same title as that by which he holds his other possessions, the only one which could make his rights dependent upon any condition whatever, is contained in two passages, which he proceeds to quote.

But there is another passage which he does not quote. It is found in the beginning of the 1st Article, and says:

The Duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of the provinces and districts which are otherwise disposed of by the following Articles, is united to the Russian Empire, to which it shall be irrevocably attached by its Constitution, and be possessed by His Majesty the Emperor of all

the Russias, his heirs and successors in perpetuity."

Were not a national representation intended by this Article, it would have been sufficient to say, "to which it shall be irrevocably attached," without any mention of a Constitution.

It is, therefore, evident that the Constitution is the link by which Poland was connected with Russia. It is important to know what this Constitution was which united Poland and Russia. It was not prescribed by the treaty; it was not promulgated by the European powers; its construction was left entirely to the Emperor. Alexander; but nevertheless, when once promulgated, it must be taken to be the Constitution meant by the framers of the treaty of Vienna.

It was for this reason that Her Majesty's Government proposed as the second of the six points laid before the Government of Russia, "national representation with powers similar to those which are fixed by the Charter of the 15th (27th) November, 1815."

5. Passing to the specific propositions of Her Majesty's Government, Prince Gortchakoff says in regard to the six points, that the greater part of the measures which were pointed out by the three powers "have already been either decreed or prepared on the initiative of our august master."

Towards the end of the despatch an allusion is made to "the measures which His Majesty adheres to, both in the germs already laid down, and in the development of them, which he has allowed to be foreseen."

This passage, though far from being a definite assurance either of a national representation with efficacious means of control, or of a national administration, gives some hope that the Emperor Alexander will ultimately listen to the inspirations of his own benevolent disposition, and to the counsels of Europe.

The proposal of a suspension of hostilities is rejected "in justice to the Emperor's faithful army, to the peaceable majority of Poles, and to Russia, on whom these agitations impose painful sacrifices."

The proposal of a conference of the powers who signed the treaty of Vienna is rejected, and with it the prospect of an immediate and friendly concert.

In the place of this fair and equitable proposal, the Russian Cabinet, suggests that the three powers who proposed the separate treaties between Austria and Russia, and Prussia and Russia, previously to the general treaty of Vienna, should meet together, and that France

and Great Britain should be afterwards informed of the result of their deliberations.

There are two reasons, either of which would be sufficient to condemn this suggestion:

1. The treaties in question, taken apart from the provisions inserted in the general treaty of Vienna, have reference only to material objects,-the use of the banks of rivers, the regulations for towingpaths, the free passage of merchandise from one province to another, and such other matters of convenience and of commerce. No political developments or details are contained in them.

2. It is obvious that such a conference would place Austria in a false position, and be inconsistent with her relations to France and Great Britain.

His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, therefore, with a proper sense of his own dignity, has at once rejected the Russian proposal.

In communicating their views to Prince Gortchakoff, it remains to Her Majesty's Government to discharge an imperative duty.

It is to call his Excellency's most serious attention to the gravity of the situation, and the responsibility which it imposes upon Russia.

Great Britain, Austria, and France have pointed out the urgent necessity of putting an end to a deplorable state of things which is full of danger to Europe. They have at the same time indicated the means which, in their opinion, ought to be employed to arrive at this termination, and they have offered their co-operation in order to attain it with more certainty.

If Russia does not perform all that depends upon her to further the moderate and conciliatory views of the three powers, if she does not enter upon the path which is opened to her by friendly counsels, she makes herself responsible for the serious consequences which the prolongation of the troubles of Poland may produce. I am, &c. (Signed)

RUSSELL.

Prince Gortchakoff to Baron Brunnow. (Communicated to Earl Russell by Baron Brunnow, September 14.)

(Translation.)

Tsarkoe-Selo, August 26 (September 7), 1863.

Lord Napier has, by order of his

Government, communicated to me a despatch from Lord Russell, of which your Excellency will find a copy hereunto an

nexed.

It is an answer to my despatch of the 1st (13th) of July last, which you were invited to communicate to the Principal Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty.

The overtures which we had set forth in that document were dictated to us by the desire to arrive at an understanding.

In receiving the observations which they have suggested to Lord Russell with the attention which we always pay to the opinions of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, we cannot but regret that we must come to the conclusion that we have not attained the end which we had proposed to ourselves.

From the moment that this discussion could only end in establishing and in confirming the divergence of our views, it would be too contrary to our conciliatory disposition for us to seek to prolong it; and we believe that in this we are not acting at variance with the sentiments of the Principal Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty.

We prefer to fix our attention only upon the essential points of his despatches, upon which we find ourselves agreed, at least in intention.

Her Britannic Majesty's Government desire to see promptly re-established in the kingdom of Poland a state of things which shall restore tranquillity to that country, repose to Europe, and security to the relations of the Cabinets.

We entirely share in this desire, and all that can depend upon us shall be done to realize it.

Our august master continues to be animated by the most benevolent intentions towards Poland, and by the most conciliatory towards all foreign powers. To provide for the welfare of his subjects of all races and of every religious conviction is an obligation which His Imperial Majesty has accepted before God, his conscience, and his people. The Emperor devotes all his solicitude to the fulfilment of that obligation.

As regards the responsibility which may be assumed by His Majesty in his international relations, those relations are regulated by public right. The violation of those fundamental principles can alone involve responsibility. Our august master has constantly respected and observed those principles with regard to other States. His Majesty has the right to expect and to claim the same respect on the part of the other powers.

You will be pleased to read and give a copy of this despatch to the Principal Secretary of State of Her Britannic Majesty. Receive, &c.

Earl Russell to Lord Napier.
Foreign Office, October 20, 1863.
My Lord,

Baron Brunnow has communicated to me a despatch from Prince Gortchakoff dated August 26 (September 7), in reply to my despatch to your Excellency of the 11th ultimo, of which you were instructed to give a copy to his Excellency.

Her Majesty's Government have no wish to prolong the correspondence on the subject of Poland for the mere purpose of controversy.

Her Majesty's Government receive with satisfaction the assurance that the Emperor of Russia continues to be animated with intentions of benevolence towards Poland, and of conciliation in respect to all foreign powers.

Her Majesty's Government acknowledge that the relations of Russia towards European powers are regulated by public law; but the Emperor of Russia has special obligations in regard to Poland.

Her Majesty's Government have, in the despatch of the 11th of August and preceding despatches, shown that in regard to this particular question the rights of Poland are contained in the same in

strument which constitutes the Emperor of Russia King of Poland.

I am, &c.

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Lord Napier to Earl Russell. (Received
November 9.)

St. Petersburgh, October 27, 1863.
My Lord,

In conformity with your Lordship's telegraphic instructions I waited on Prince Gortchakoff this forenoon, and placed in his Excellency's hands your Lordship's despatch of the 20th instant, having reference to the affairs of Poland.

The Vice-Chancellor read your Lordship's despatch through aloud without At the conclusion offering any remark.

his Excellency observed that in the communication with which I was charged he saw a proof of the friendly disposition of Her Majesty's Government and an act conformable to the true interests of Poland, for the moderation of Her Majesty's Government must discourage the exaggerated expectations of the Revolutionary party, and hasten the moment when the Emperor would be enabled to carry into effect his benevolent intentions towards his Polish subjects.

I have, &c.

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CORRESPONDENCE

WITH THE FRENCH GOVERN

MENT ON THE PROPOSED CONGRESS.

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and of the negotiations of Vienna in 1815. It is on this last foundation that the political edifice of Europe now rests; and nevertheless, your Majesty is not ignorant, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides.

If one considers attentively the situ ation of the different countries, it is impossible not to admit that on almost all points the treaties of Vienna are destroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. Hence there are duties without rule, rights without title, pretensions without restraint-a peril the more formidable, since the improvements produced by civilization, which has united peoples together by an identity of material interests, would render war still more destructive.

This is a matter for serious reflection.

Let us not delay taking a decision until

sudden and irresistible events disturb our judgment and draw us in spite of ourselves in opposite directions. I now, therefore, propose to your Majesty to regulate the present and to secure the future by means of a Congress.

Summoned to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people, but brought up in the school of adversity, it is, perhaps, less allowable for me than for others to ignore the rights of sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of peoples. Thus I am ready, without any pre-conceived system, to bring to an International Council a spirit of moderation and justice, the ordinary portion of those who have undergone so many different trials.

If I take the initiative in such an overture I do not yield to an impulse of vanity, but because I am the sovereign to whom ambitious projects have mostly been attributed. I have it at heart to prove, by this frank and loyal overture, that my sole object is to arrive, without convulsion, at the pacification of Europe. If this proposal be agreed to, I beg your Majesty to accept Paris as the place of meeting.

If the princes, allies and friends of France, should think fit to enhance by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be proud to offer them cordial hospitality. Europe will, perhaps, see some advantage in the capital whence the signal of confusion has so often arisen becoming the seat of conferences destined to lay the basis of a general pacification.

I take this opportunity of renewing to you the assurances of the high esteem and inviolable friendship with which I am, Madam, my Sister,

Your Majesty's good Brother,
NAPOLEON.

Paris, Nov. 4.

Extract of a Despatch from Earl Russell to Earl Cowley, dated Foreign Office, November 11.

My Lord,

I have to acquaint your Excellency that the Queen has received from the Emperor of the French a letter, dated November 4.

The Queen has stated, in reply to this letter, that the Emperor may be assured that any suggestion or proposal made by His Imperial Majesty will always command Her Majesty's most earnest and attentive consideration, and more especially when the general welfare of nations

is concerned; that Her Majesty has, accordingly, directed her confidential advisers to submit to her the opinion which, after due deliberation, they may arrive at, in regard to the important measures which the Emperor recommends for adoption by his allies; and that her Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will, with as little delay as possible, authorize the Ambassador at Paris to make known to His Imperial Majesty's Government the conclusion which, after weighing that opinion, Her Majesty may feel it her duty to adopt.

I am, &c.

RUSSELL.

From Earl Russell to Earl Cowley. Foreign Office, Nov. 12.

My Lord,

Her Majesty the Queen having been pleased to refer to her confidential servants a letter of the Emperor Napoleon, addressed to Her Majesty on the subject of a Congress, I proceed to inform you of the view which Her Majesty's Government take of the proposal contained in it.

The letter invites Her Majesty to take part in a Congress, to be held in Paris, on the affairs of Europe.

I am commanded in the first place to inform your Excellency that Her Majesty's Government see in this step a proof of the interest taken by His Imperial Majesty in the welfare of Europe.

I will now proceed to remark on the ground stated for this proposal, and then examine the proposal itself.

His Imperial Majesty observes that on all occasions when great convulsions have shaken the foundations and deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have been entered into having for their object to reduce to order the new elements, and to recognize, while revising them, the. changes that have been effected. Such was the object of the treaty of Westphalia in the seventeenth century, and of the negotiations of Vienna in 1815. On this last foundation the political edifice of Europe now rests, and nevertheless, His Imperial Majesty observes, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides.

The Emperor goes on to state that, if the situation of the different countries is attentively considered, it is impossible not to admit that in almost all points the treaties of Vienna are destroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced.

When so important a proposal as that which the Emperor has put forth is made to rest on certain grounds, it is our duty

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