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Extract from President Washington's Speech to the first American Congress, April 30, 1789.*

See Plates 13 and 14.

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With the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a govern" ment instituted by themBelves, and may every instrum ment employed in its administration, to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have ad

*The small type in this speech, distinguish such words and parts of words, as are represented by particular signs.

vanced to the character of an independent nat ation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communit ities, from which the event hás resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessing which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none influence of which, the proceedings of a new and free governcan more auspiciously commence.

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By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the president "to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer you to the great constitutional charter which we are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far nore congenial with the feelings which actuate me, o substitute in place of a recommendation of particular easures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the

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rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the charac ters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications, I behold the surest pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equa eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communi ities and interests: So on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world.

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I dwell on this prospect with every satis isfacti tion which an ardent love for my country can inspire; since there is no truth more thorough' established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness-between duty and advantage-between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimo policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity. Since we ought to be no less persuaded, that the propitio itious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained. And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are just considered as deep' perhaps as finally staked,

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onthe experiment iment entrusted to the hands of the American people. Instead of undertaking particular recommendati which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment in pursuit of the public good: for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficient1 influence your deliberati tions onthe questions, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safe' and more advantageously promoted.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanim

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a form of government for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures which the success of this government must depend.

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