experience. But, though I be sensible of the vast importance of skill in military affairs, I hope none of my readers will suppose that I am, in the smallest degree, in love with that German buffoonery, which passes current, even in this country, under the name of discipline. The system I shall unfold to the public, has nothing in common with such useless trumpery: it is my hope, that the volunteers of the united empire will learn no other species of military knowledge than what is practised in the presence of an enemy. This is real military science; beyond it, all is empiricism or puppet shew.

When I assert, therefore, that the original constitution of the volunteer bodies was fundamentally bad, I would be understood to mean, that they were not organized with a view to the probability of their being engaged in actual service. I am aware of, and acknowledge, with unfeigned and fervent gratitude, the essential benefits which they have conferred upon their country, by their zeal and patriotism. These have successfully repressed seditious machinations in times of domestic perturbation, and afforded opportunities for the salutary employment of the regulars upon foreign. services. But, the time is approaching, when the volunteers must cease to act the part of military constables, and become, in the most comprehensive sense, the defenders of their country. Whatever I may urge relative to the volunteers, will be received, I trust, by them with good temper, since they cannot forget that I have ever been the strenuous advocate of their cause, when ignorance, and a finical affectation of military science, issued against them the most contemptuous and unwarrantable calumnies.

I do not hesitate to repeat the observation which I have made an hundred times in the course of this work,-that I repose the utmost confidence in the exertions of the volunteer corps, under a judicious discipline and direction, for the ultimate security of the liberties and independence of our country; and, in order to exhibit the fulness of their power in its proper light, I shall now proceed to shew, that we have more men under arms than we know, at present, what to do with. This can only be done by estimating the strength of the enemy, his means and opportunities for invasion, and his manner of fighting.

First, of the strength of the enemy. The tyrant has at his command an highlydisciplined and expert army of 400,000 ruffians. This number is, I believe, rather beyond his exact establishment, but I prefer taking it upon an enlarged scale, in order to place my reasonings upon a less objectionable foundation. In the official messages and representations of the French government, the military establishment of France is stated at 500,000 men; but I know this to be false; for when I was in France a short time before the war, I had access to a department in the war office, and there I had an opportunity of ascertaining that the effective returns were considerably under A few weeks ago, a foreign nobleman (a the estimate made of the public force. Prussian) of uncommon abilities, who enjoyed the means of collecting very important facts, brought me letters from some of my acquaintances at Paris, requesting me to shew him the necessary civilities during his short stay in this country, Unfortunately, the state of my health had compelled me to resort to the sea-side, so that I lost two days of his society. But, upon the receipt of a letter from him, I hastened back, and had the inexpressible gratification of enjoying his conversation, at my own house, for three days previous to his departure for America. He confirmed the above statement, and entered into particulars which shall be interwoven into our discussion as we proceed. Of this large force we shall find, by a slight inspection of the map of Europe, that Buonaparte must withhold, at least, 250,000 men for the preservation of his empire, and the controul of his vassal states. The residue may be spared for the conquest of this island; that is, 150,000 may attempt to conquer it. Now, I defy any man living to shew how these miscreants are to come. Old women and children will say that they are to be conveyed in the

* With part of this conversation I am allowed to make the reader acquainted, and he shall have it. I can assure the public, that the reports concerning general Moreau upon the being upon the continent are false. He is at this moment passing his time estate of this gentleman in America.

Boulogne flotilla; and, I confess, that the sentiment is worthy of old women and children.

The French cannot invade this country without a powerful navy to cover their landing; and unless we conclude a peace with them, that navy can never be formed. During peace, however, supposing it to last two years, they would be able to transport them, because it would be worth their while to sacrifice 50 line of battle ships out of the two hundred, which in the present state of the continent, they would be able to construct in that space of time. Indeed, they would not have occasion to sacrifice any, for we should have neither sailors nor soldiers to resist them. Let us, however, admit the practicability of the scheme, and then inquire into our means of repelling them. They cannot be ready in less time than six months, and if the armed force of this country be not in six weeks, from this day, competent to annihilate them, no human ingenuity can save us. Our means of resistance are, their interception by our squadrons cruizing off their coasts, our mid-sea squadrons, our in-shore fictilla, our batteries upon the coast, to which the present administration are devoting the greatest attention; and lastly, the armed population of the country, amounting at the lowest calculation, exclusive of the regulars, to 350,000 men. My doctrine is, that 80,000 men, under proper management, are sufficient, under all these circumstances of advantageous local position, and maritime power, to defy twice that number of the enemy.

Secondly, the means and opportunities for invasion, depend, as I have before observed, on the strength of the French navy, and on the absence of the British. But, under these circumstances, the time which would be expended in the disembarkation of 100,000 men would afford us the opportunity of marching thrice that force to every quarter of attack, provided our armed force were habituated, as it ought to be, to the operations of imitative war.

Lastly, the manner of fighting, uniformly practised by the French, is precisely the system which Britons are sure of defeating. They rush on with astonishing impetuosity, with a view to penetrate through the lines of their enemy, no matter where, whether in the center, right, or left wing, and having succeeded in this incursion, they manœuvre so as to throw everything into confusion, while they follow up their onset in a compact and combined operation. It is evident, therefore, that the army which preserves sufficient discretion to elude this mode of attack, cannot be broken; and à fortiori the army which can withstand it with coolness must be victorious. Had general Bennigsen been at his proper post, had he not been creeping behind a ruined wall, at the battle of Friedland, at the critical moment when marshal Ney's division was advancing to turn his wing, (as usual) the Russians who, like the British, are the best soldiers in the world, would have utterly defeated the French army. I write upon the best authority when I state, that, in that battle, Buonaparte evinced the most consummate ignorance, and errors that were unpardonable in a general who had seen so much service as he has seen.

I have thus examined, briefly, the means, genius, and power of the villains who proclaim that they will be our future masters. It shall be my business to explain, by what measures our volunteers ALONE, will exterminate them: and if I establish the fact, what can be the hopes of our enemies, when they have to encounter the collected force of the regulars, militia, and volunteers?

N. B. In my next number I shall present to my readers a complete historical digest of the events of Europe, from the period of time when we concluded our last sketch of them. I shall also exhibit to their view an accurate estimate of the profit and loss which the several belligerent powers have experienced from the treaties of Tilsit; the result of which will serve to confirm every argument I have already employed in favour of the continuance of the war. All the maps of the continent of Europe are become useless. Henceforward there need be only one general description—that of France and her provinces. Great Britain will remain for ever, I trust, a terra, incognitá.

NAVIGATION AND TRADE.

Abstract of an act, passed this session of parliament, for enlarging the term, and altering the powers of several acts, for the maintenance and repair of the harbour of Dover, in the county of Kent.

Amongst other things it is recited, that the warden and assistants had proceeded to carry the former acts into execution, to the great benefit of shipping, and of merchants and others, and had borrowed considerable sums of money on the credit of the rates and duties thereby granted, but owing to the insufficiency thereof, the harbour was very much out of repair, and the south pier head, which is exposed to the strong south and south-west winds, was in so ruinous and dangerous a state, that the foundation thereof had bulged out, and the body of it partly sunk, and the most serious apprehensions were entertained, that unless a new pier head was immediately constructed, the present pier head would, by the force of the waves, be wholly swept away, by which the harbour would, in a few tides, be choaked up with sand and beach, which could not be removed but at a very great expense, and after a long period of time, during which no shelter or protection could be afforded to vessels in distress; that part of the monies so borrowed was due and owing, and could not be paid off and discharged, or the harbour put into proper and sufficient repair, except the ancient rates and duties were again restored to the same amount as the rates and duties granted by the act, made in the eleventh and twelfth years of king William the third, and the term granted by the act, made in the twenty-sixth year of his present majesty, which was nearly expiring, was extended, and the powers and provisions of the former acts, so far as they related to the harbour of Dover, were altered and enlarged. But as these several purposes could not be effected without the aid and authority of parliament, it was, amongst other things enacted, that it should be lawful to and for the warden, or his lieutenant, together with the major part of the other assistants, of the harbour of Dover, to demand and take, or cause to be demanded and taken, the rates or duties following, that is to say, from the master, owner, or skipper, of every ship, vessel, or crayer, belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, of the burthen of twenty tons, or more, and not exceeding the burthen of three hundred tons, passing from, to, or by Dover, or coming into the harbour there, not having a cocket or receipt, testifying his payment of such rate or duty before on that voyage, the sum of three-pence for every ton of the burthen thereof; (save and except ships in ballast, and such ship, vessel, or crayer, as shall be wholly laden with coals, culm, grindstone, or Purbeck or Portland stones) and for every chaldron of coals or culm, ton of grindstone, Purbeck or Portland stones, on board of such ship, vessel, or crayer, the sum of one penny halfpenny, and from the master, owner, or skipper, of every ship, vessel, or crayer, belonging to any person or persons not being a subject or subjects of his majesty, of the burthen of twenty tons, or more, and not exceeding the burthen of three-hundred tons, the sum of three-pence for every ton of the burthen of such ship, vessel, or crayer, (save and except ships in ballast, and such ship, vessel, or crayer, as shall be laden with coals, culm, grindstone, or Purbeck or Portland stones) and for every chaldron of coal, or culm, ton of grindstone, Purbeck or Portland stones, on board of such ship, vessel, or crayer, the sum of one penny halfpenny; and from the master, owner, or skipper of every ship, vessel, or crayer of the burthen of three hundred tons and upwards, actually entering the said harbour, not having a cocket or receipt testifying his payment of such rate before on that voyage, the sum of three-pence for every ton of the burthen thereof; (save and except ships in ballast, and such ship, vessel, or crayer, as shall be wholly laden with coals, culm, grindstone, or Purbeck or Portland stone) and for every chaldron of coals or culm, ton of grindstone, Portland or Purbeck stone, on board of such ship, vessel, or crayer, the sum of one penny halfpenny; and all such rates and duties to be paid to the customer or collector of the customs, or their deputies, or such other person or persons as shall be appointed by the warden, or his lieutenant, together with the major part of the other

assistants of the said harbour, to receive the same in such port or place whence such ship, vessel, or crayer, shall depart, or where such ship, vessel, or crayer, shall arrive, before such ship, vessel, or crayer, shall depart from such port or place on her outward-bound voyage, or where such ship, vessel, or crayer, shall rive on her homeward-bound voyage, before any goods, wares, or merchand: 1 shall be unladen therefrom, and all such rates and duties, given and granted by this act, shall be levied, collected, and accounted for, by such customer, or collector of the customs, and their deputies, (save and except as may be therein excepted) by such ways and means, and in such and the like manner, as the rates and duties, given and granted by the act, made in the eleventh and twelfth years of king William the third, are directed to be levied, collected, and accounted for.

And it was further enacted, that it might be lawful to and for the warden, or his lieutenant, together with the major part of the other assistants of the said harbour, to vary or diminish the rates and duties so imposed, and to raise or restore the same again as often as they judged proper, provided that no higher rates or duties are, at any time, imposed or made payable than therein before-mentioned, and so that whenever any alteration was made in the rates or duties, they should be varied, diminished, raised again, or restored, rateably and proportionably, or as near as circumstances will admit: Provided, nevertheless, that when the whole money borrowed and due, and owing on the credit of the said rates and duties shall not have been paid off and discharged, such rates and duties shall not be lessened or reduced without the consent of the person or persons entitled to five-sixths of the money due upon the credit of the said rates and duties.

That nothing in the said recited acts, or that act, contained, shall extend, or be construed to extend, so as to charge any collier, coasting vessel, or crayer, with the said rates and duties, or any of them, oftener than once in any one year, or be construed to extend, to charge any ships or vessels belonging to his majesty, or that shall or may be employed in his service, with any of the rates or duties to be imposed by

And it further recites, that as many foreign ships, vessels, and crayers, passing through or near, or being detained in the Downs, will receive the same benefits as British ships, vessels, and crayers, from the said harbour; it is enacted, that all foreign ships, vessels, and crayers, that shall pass from, to, or by Dover, whether on the eastern or western side of the Goodwin sands, or shall enter into the harbour there, shall be subject and liable, at all times, to the same rates and duties as ships, vessels, and crayers, cleared out of or entered in any port or place in Great Britain, and such rates and duties shall be levied and recovered in any part of his majesty's dominions, in such and the like manner as any of the rates and duties by this act imposed are directed to be levied and recovered.

And it is likewise further enacted, that no ship, vessel, or crayer, outward-bound, the place of whose destination shall be from, to, or by Dover, aforesaid, shall be cleared at any office of his majesty's customs, on such outward-bound voyage, nor shall any ship, vessel, or crayer, which shall have sailed from or by Dover, or have gone into harbour there, be allowed to enter at any office of his majesty's customs, on her homeward-bound voyage, by any officer or officers of his majesty's customs, without producing a certificate from the officer or person empowered to collect the rates and duties imposed under the authority of this act, testifying the payment thereof provided always, that on producing a proper acquittance for the receipt of such rates and duties, such master, or owner of such ship, vessel, or crayer, Shall have, and be entitled to an allowance from the merchant or merchants, consignee, or consignees, importer or importers, or exporter or exporters, or his or their agents or factors, as follows; that is to say, for every ton of goods loaden on board such ship, or yessel, on account of such merchants, consignee, agents, importers, or exporters, a like sum per ton as is by this act charged upon the ship or vessel, on board of which such goods or merchandize shall be laden or unladen, and so in proportion for a less quantity than a ton; and such goods and merchandize are thereby made liable and subject to the payment of the said rates and duties accordingly.

And it is enacted, that the warden, or his lieutenant, and the other assistants of the said harbour, and their successors, shall yearly lay before each house of parlia

ment, a true account of the receipt and application of all monies which shall be received by them, and their successors, by virtue of the act, which contains clauses imposing penalties on persons refusing to produce ships' registers to ascertain the tonnage of their ships, and the other usual clauses and powers inserted in acts of this nature; and the act is to commence immediately after the expiration of the present session of parliament, and to continue in force twenty-one years.

N. B. It is my intention, in future, to insert, in the Review, abstracts of the acts of parliament, as they pass, which relate to navigation and trade; as it frequently happens a long period of time elapses before they are printed for sale, and I shall feel obliged to my correspondents for communications of this nature.

THEORY OF MONEY.-Continued.---OF FREE PAPER MONEY.-Continued. The second error to be taken notice of, that banks ought always to be ready to give "gold for their notes" is one into which, not only the writers on this subject, but the country in general have fallen; indeed, it is so universally allowed, to be a fundamental maxim in banking, that it seems to have been admitted even by Mr, Thornton himself, as he pleads in favour of the restriction, merely as a temporary measure of necessity; it will, therefore. Je deemed a bold assertion, to say, that it is avulgar error which ought long ago to have been exploded; and yet it is conceived that this may be easily proved, when applied to free paper currency. For this purpose, a few questions, and what appear to be the proper replies to them, will be stated. ist. Do the banks, when they issue notes, receive gold for them?

They certainly do not; it has already been stated, that they issue these notes upon the credit of bills at a short date lodged with them.

2ndly. Do the banks bind themselves in the body of these notes to pay gold for them?

They do not; they expressly say, that they will pay one pound, one pound one shilling, five pounds five shillings, twenty pounds, one hundred pounds, &c. by which is merely to be understood, that they engage to account for that proportion of the standard unit of the country. A very great stress has been laid upon this, that the banks promise to pay, and that they do not pay; but they, most assuredly, do not promise to pay in gold, they might almost as well promise to pay in broad cloth, wine, sugar, or any other article of merchandise.

3dly. When the bills, for which the banks have issued notes, become due, do they receive gold in payment, or would the acceptors of these bills be pleased should the banks require gold in payment?

The banks do not usually receive gold in payment of the bills they hold, nor would the acceptors of those bills be at all pleased, or satisfied, should the banks insist upon gold in payment.

4thly. If, then, the banks do not receive gold when they issue their notes, nor when the bills they hold become due, upon what ground is it that they are expected to be ready, at all times, to give gold for their notes ?

It is entirely owing to the mistaken ideas which have been entertained of the nature of gold coin; gold being an article of real intrinsic value, paper of none, it has been concluded, that gold was the standard of value in the country, paper only a symbol thereof; and that, therefore, the issuers of that paper should, at all times, be ready to give the standard for it. It is hoped, after what has been stated, that the public will now see the fallacy of this reasoning; and be convinced, that gold coin, and paper money, are exactly on the same footing, each being only a symbol, or token, of the standard unit of the country, and, consequently, neither of them entitled to be placed above or before the other. It is very extraordinary, that the writers who made the greatest outcry on this subject, were so ignorant of the true nature of the paper currency of this country, that they seriously asserted, that nothing but obliging the bank to give gold for the notes could possibly prevent its issuing any quantity of these notes, and after they were once issued, retaining them in the circle without their being ever withdrawn. This argument has already been refuted; it has been shewn, that if the bank only issue notes upon inland bills, or exchequer bills, the sum issued must depend upon the amount of these, and, whenever these inland bills, or exchequer bills, become due, the notes must be returned to them, in payment