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after the intelligence of the misfortune of the allies, in Moravia, had reached this country, I conjured the British government, in a former number of this work, to lose not one moment in dispatching a minister to the king of the two Sicilies, for the purpose of assuring him of our support, and of soliciting a convention with him for our possession of the noble harbour of Syracuse, during the present war. It was evident that the whole force of Buonaparte would pour down upon the Neapolitan territory, from the instant that Austria had signed the capitulation at Presburg; and, therefore, if the British force, which was then in the Mediterranean, had been reinforced by the troops which were recalled from Germany, or by a portion of them only, there would, at this time, have been so formidable an army in Calabria, that the success of the French might have become extremely problematical. Instead of displaying that provident foresight and prompitude of execution, which the nature of the times require; instead of demonstrating any eagerness to fly to the assistance of any part of Europe, which presented a rallying point against the encroachments of France, we have retained our troops within our own island, as if the victories of Trafalgar, of Strachan, and of Duckworth, had not given us ample scope for dispo sing of them in any quarter where the necessities of our faithful allies might require. Whoever examines, upon the map, the relative positions of the Russian, French, and Neapolitan armies, must deplore this tardy policy, or rather this torpid state of inactivity. If a British squadron of adequate force had accompanied fifteen thousand of our troops, to cover their disembarkation, and to support their operations, it is almost certain that their presence would have infused fresh animation into the Neapolitans, and have raised the whole country against their invaders. The Russians being in absolute possession of the Adriatic, might have landed a considerable force to harass the left of Massena's army; the above number of British might have hung upon their right and their rear, while the regular efforts of the Calabrian levy, supported by the regular troops of the king of the two Sicilies, and the force under general Craig, would have effectually put down, if not destroyed, the army by which the Neapolitan state has been nearly over-run. Unceasing diversions might thus have been made in favour of Gaeta, and Buonaparte would have been reduced to the alternative, either of withdrawing a considerable force from Germany to support his Italian army, or have risked the fate of that army in Naples. In either case, Europe would have been benefited; for the best and only sure mode of beating the French is by dividing their forces, and, consequently, by preventing them from falling en masse upon any power which may have to contend with them singly. I blush for the fame of the disciplined regulars of Europe, or to speak with more jus tice, I blush for the reputation of the officers by whom they are commanded, when I reflect upon the resistance of these half-armed peasants against the operations of above fifty thousand of the best troops of France, headed by one of its most experienced generals. The energy of regular governments seems to be palsied by an unaccountable infatuation, by a necromantic night-mare of the mind, which render them incapable of motion, when the proximity of danger should make them more active in their measures of resistance.

THE PATRIOTISM AND QUACKERY OF ALL THE TALENTS." SIR,-At a time when every heart and hand should be directed to one sole object→→ the defence and preservation of our country; it is a matter of astonishment and regret, to see persons who assume to themselves all the talents of the country, not only with holding from the state the benefit of these great abilities, be they real or imaginary; but by continuing the discussion of decided points, distracting and dividing our attention from what ought to be its great object. The parliamentary reporters, at least, continue to impute to the members of the late government, a pertinacious adherence to the sentiments which produced their dismissal, and a liberal enlargement of those errors and absurdities, upon which the voice of the country has so decidedly pro nounced. The late first lord of the treasury has, since the treaty of Tilsit, declared it as his opinion, that Catholic emancipation is not only indispensable to the safety of the state, but ought to be first attended to; and another member of the late ministry

* See No. 22 of vol. I. p.341.

is reported to have given it as his opinion, that an established church is not an essential part of the constitution! The first of these opinions comes from an authority the country was wont to revere; the latter from one, for whom we have been early taught, by lord Grenville himself, to entertain very little respect. Lord Grenville too, that his sentiments and occupations may not be misunderstood, has, after four months consideration, chosen this as the fittest period, to give to the world (and from the Burdett press) a corrected copy of his speech, in the House of Lords, on the change of ministry This speech I have read with all the attention due to the respect which I once entertained for its author, and must declare, that I think it contains a greater proportion of glaring fallacies, false assumptions, and disputable reasonings, than, I ever saw collected in so small a compass. It is a production which a school-boy might answer and refute, and is only worthy of the head of the most contemptible ministry, with which the country was ever afflicted; a ministry who did more injury to their country, than can be found in the accumulated errors of a century, and who are entitled to the singular honour of having been fourteen months in office, without doing or attempting one praiseworthy act. This being my opinion of this speech, I need not say much, as to the prudence of its publication, at this time. If it is done with a view of giving the authority of the speaker to the principles it espouses, it is high time that lord Grenville should know that the authority of his name has suffered a woeful depreciation within the last eighteen months; and that without a great alteration, the public may learn to judge, as certainly, of what is right, by the reverse of what his lordship prescribes, as they have been in the habit, for many years, by his authority, of applying that test to the sentiments of many of his coadjutors. While lord Grenville was the friend and associate of Mr. Pitt, the country supposed him actuated by the same principles, and possessed of similar talents; and considered him, at his death, the type and representative of that immortal statesman; and from him they expected a government upon Pitt, or, in other words, true British principles. The short æra of lord Grenville's last administration has been a melancholy satire upon his former fame. Mr. Pitt's death has taught us, that there were many who basked in the sunshine of his resplendent mind, now that its vivifying warmth and light are withdrawn, have nothing left to conceal their original dulness; and we are, therefore, constrained to look for Mr. Pitt's principles, for the principles which have saved, and can alone again save, the country, from persons who have studied under Mr. Pitt, with more success than those who had the best opportunities of doing so. But admitting lord Grenville's-opinion to be entitled to all the weight and authority, he himself would have attached to it, we have his own authority for questioning the infallibility of much higher opinions than his : for, in the very speech, to which I have alluded, he asserts that there were only three subjects, on which Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox were ever perfectly agreed. We know the numberless topics upon which they hardly entertained one sentiment in common; and it is, therefore, perfectly clear that either the one or the other, or perhaps, both these political luminaries were frequently egregiously mistaken; and we may, therefore, with less hesitation presume to question the minor authority of lord Grenville, especially when it stands opposed to the united voices of the three branches of the legislature, supported unequivocally by that of the people. And lord Grenville's opinion would receive as much weight, were he to pronounce vice to be virtue, or any other anomaly, as when he announces Catholic emancipation to be indispensable for our safety, or the welfare of the people of Ireland. Let the fallen angels, then, cease to rail at their doom. It is only by penitence, that they can ever hope to regain the heaven they have forfeited. It is not by opposing a few solitary opinions to the united voice of the king, the parliament, and the people, that they can ever hope to see themselves replaced in power; for woeful indeed must be our situation, before we can again submit to see men force themselves into power, contrary to the wishes of a beloved monarch, whose free choice of his servants constitutes his brightest prerogative.

But all this pertinacity of opinion is but an instance of the prevailing quackery of the age. One sage prescribes his nervous cordial, another his balm of Gilead, as a universal remedy for all our bodily complaints. The carpenter would defend the town with wood, the shoemaker with leather. While, among political empirics, some will prescribe Catholic emancipation, others parliamentary reform, others,

after the intelligence of the misfortune of the allies, in Moravia, had reached this country, I conjured the British government, in a former number of this work, to lose not one moment in dispatching a minister to the king of the two Sicilies, for the purpose of assuring him of our support, and of soliciting a convention with him for our possession of the noble harbour of Syracuse, during the present war. It was evident that the whole force of Buonaparte would pour down upon the Neapolitan territory, from the instant that Austria had signed the capitulation at Presburg; and, therefore, if the British force, which was then in the Mediterranean, had been reinforced by the troops which were recalled from Germany, or by a portion of them only, there would, at this time, have been so formidable an army in Calabria, that the success of the French might have become extremely problematical. Instead of displaying that provident foresight and prompitude of execution, which the nature of the times require; instead of demonstrating any eagerness to fly to the assistance of any part of Europe, which presented a rallying point against the encroachments of France, we have retained our troops within our own island, as if the victories of Trafalgar, of Strachan, and of Duckworth, had not given us ample scope for dispo sing of them in any quarter where the necessities of our faithful allies might require. Whoever examines, upon the map, the relative positions of the Russian, French, and Neapolitan armies, must deplore this tardy policy, or rather this torpid state of inactivity. If a British squadron of adequate force had accompanied fifteen thousand of our troops, to cover their disembarkation, and to support their operations, it is almost certain that their presence would have infused fresh animation into the Neapolitans, and have raised the whole country against their invaders. The Russians being in absolute possession of the Adriatic, might have landed a considerable force to harass the left of Massena's army; the above number of British might have hung upon their right and their rear, while the regular efforts of the Calabrian levy, supported by the regular troops of the king of the two Sicilies, and the force under general Craig, would have effectually put down, if not destroyed, the army by which the Neapolitan state has been nearly over-run. Unceasing diversions might thus have been made in favour of Gaeta, and Buonaparte would have been reduced to the alternative, either of withdrawing a considerable force from Germany to support his Italian army, or have risked the fate of that army in Naples. In either case, Europe would have been benefited; for the best and only sure mode of beating the French is by dividing their forces, and, consequently, by preventing them from falling en masse upon any power which may have to contend with them singly. I blush for the fame of the disciplined regulars of Europe, or to speak with more jus tice, I blush for the reputation of the officers by whom they are commanded, when I reflect upon the resistance of these half-armed peasants against the operations of above fifty thousand of the best troops of France, headed by one of its most experienced generals. The energy of regular governments seems to be palsied by an unaccountable infatuation, by a necromantic night-mare of the mind, which render them incapable of motion, when the proximity of danger should make them more active in their measures of resistance.

THE PATRIOTISM AND QUACKERY OF ALL THE TALENTS." SIR,-At a time when every heart and hand should be directed to one sole object→ the defence and preservation of our country; it is a matter of astonishment and regret, to see persons who assume to themselves all the talents of the country, not only withholding from the state the benefit of these great abilities, be they real or imaginary; but by continuing the discussion of decided points, distracting and dividing our attention from what ought to be its great object. The parliamentary reporters, at least, continue to impute to the members of the late government, a pertinacious adherence to the sentiments which produced their dismissal, and a liberal enlargement of those errors and absurdities, upon which the voice of the country has so decidedly pro nounced. The late first lord of the treasury has, since the treaty of Tilsit, declared it as his opinion, that Catholic emancipation is not only indispensable to the safety of the state, but ought to be first attended to; and another member of the late ministry

* See No. 22 of vol. I. p. 341.

is reported to have given it as his opinion, that an established church is not an essential part of the constitution! The first of these opinions comes from an authority the country was wont to revere; the latter from one, for whom we have been early taught, by lord Grenville himself, to entertain very little respect. Lord Grenville too, that his sentiments and occupations may not be misunderstood, has, after four months consideration, chosen this as the fittest period, to give to the world (and from the Burdett press) a corrected copy of his speech, in the House of Lords, on the change of ministry This speech I have read with all the attention due to the respect which I once entertained for its author, and must declare, that I think it contains a greater proportion of glaring fallacies, false assumptions, and disputable reasonings, than, I ever saw collected in so small a compass. It is a production which a school-boy might answer and refute, and is only worthy of the head of the most contemptible ministry, with which the country was ever afflicted; a ministry who did more injury to their country, than can be found in the accumulated errors of a century, and who are entitled to the singular honour of having been fourteen months in office, without doing or attempting one praiseworthy act. This being my opinion of this speech, I need not say much, as to the prudence of its publication, at this time. If it is done with a view of giving the authority of the speaker to the principles it espouses, it is high time that lord Grenville should know that the authority of his name has suffered a woeful depreciation within the last eighteen months; and that without a great alteration, the public may learn to judge, as certainly, of what is right, by the reverse of what his lordship prescribes, as they have been in the habit, for many years, by his authority, of applying that test to the sentiments of many of his coadjutors. While lord Grenville was the friend and associate of Mr. Pitt, the country supposed him actuated by the same principles, and possessed of similar talents; and considered him, at his death, the type and representative of that immortal statesman; and from him they expected a government upon Pitt, or, in other words, true British principles. The short æra of lord Grenville's last administration has been a melancholy satire upon his former fame. Mr. Pitt's death has taught us, that there were many who basked in the sunshine of his resplendent mind, now that its vivifying warmth and light are withdrawn, have nothing left to conceal their original dulness; and we are, therefore, constrained to look for Mr. Pitt's principles, for the principles which have saved, and can alone again save, the country, from persons who have studied under Mr. Pitt, with more success than those who had the best opportunities of doing so. But admitting lord Grenville's-opinion to be entitled to all the weight and authority he himself would have attached to it, we have his own authority for questioning the infallibility of much higher opinions than his: for, in the very speech, to which I have alluded, he asserts that there were only three subjects, on which Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox were ever perfectly agreed. We know the numberless topics upon which they hardly entertained one sentiment in common; and it is, therefore, perfectly clear that either the one or the other, or perhaps, both these political luminaries were frequently egregiously mistaken; and we may, therefore, with less hesitation presume to question the minor authority of lord Grenville, especially when it stands opposed to the united' voices of the three branches of the legislature, supported unequivocally by that of the people. And lord Grenville's opinion would receive as much weight, were he to pronounce vice to be virtue, or any other anomaly, as when he announces Catholic emancipation to be indispensable for our safety, or the welfare of the people of Ireland. Let the fallen angels, then, cease to rail at their doom. It is only by penitence, that they can ever hope to regain the heaven they have forfeited. It is not by opposing a few solitary opinions to the united voice of the king, the parliament, and the people, that they can ever hope to see themselves replaced in power; for woeful indeed must be our situation, before we can again submit to see men force themselves into power, contrary to the wishes of a beloved monarch, whose free choice of his servants constitutes his brightest prerogative.

But all this pertinacity of opinion is but an instance of the prevailing quackery of the age. One sage prescribes his nervous cordial, another his balm of Gilead, as a universal remedy for all our bodily complaints. The carpenter would defend the town with wood, the shoemaker with leather. While, among political empirics, some will prescribe Catholic emancipation, others parliamentary reform, others,

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after the intelligence of the misfortune of the allies, in Moravia, had reached this country, I conjured the British government, in a former number of this work, to lose not one moment in dispatching a minister to the king of the two Sicilies, for the purpose of assuring him of our support, and of soliciting a convention with him for our possession of the noble harbour of Syracuse, during the present war. It was evident that the whole force of Buonaparte would pour down upon the Neapolitan territory, from the instant that Austria had signed the capitulation at Presburg; and, therefore, if the British force, which was then in the Mediterranean, had been reinforced by the troops which were recalled from Germany, or by a portion of them only, there would, at this time, have been so formidable an army in Calabria, that the success of the French might have become extremely problematical. Instead of displaying that provident foresight and prompitude of execution, which the nature of the times require; instead of demonstrating any eagerness to fly to the assistance of any part of Europe, which presented a rallying point against the encroachments of France, we have retained our troops within our own island, as if the victories of Trafalgar, of Strachan, and of Duckworth, had not given us ample scope for dispo sing of them in any quarter where the necessities of our faithful allies might require. Whoever examines, upon the map, the relative positions of the Russian, French, and Neapolitan armies, must deplore this tardy policy, or rather this torpid state of inactivity. If a British squadron of adequate force had accompanied fifteen thousand of our troops, to cover their disembarkation, and to support their operations, it is almost certain that their presence would have infused fresh animation into the Neapolitans, and have raised the whole country against their invaders. The Russians being in absolute possession of the Adriatic, might have landed a considerable force to harass the left of Massena's army; the above number of British might have hung upon their right and their rear, while the regular efforts of the Calabrian levy, supported by the regular troops of the king of the two Sicilies, and the force under general Craig, would have effectually put down, if not destroyed, the army by which the Neapolitan state has been nearly over-run. Unceasing diversions might thus have been made in favour of Gaeta, and Buonaparte would have been reduced to the alternative, either of withdrawing a considerable force from Germany to support his Italian army, or have risked the fate of that army in Naples. In either case, Europe would have been benefited; for the best and only sure mode of beating the French is by dividing their forces, and, consequently, by preventing them from falling en masse upon any power which may have to contend with them singly. I blush for the fame of the disciplined regulars of Europe, or to speak with more jus tice, I blush for the reputation of the officers by whom they are commanded, when I reflect upon the resistance of these half-armed peasants against the operations of above fifty thousand of the best troops of France, headed by one of its most experienced generals. The energy of regular governments seems to be palsied by an unaccountable infatuation, by a necromantic night-mare of the mind, which render them incapable of motion, when the proximity of danger should make them more active in their measures of resistance.

THE PATRIOTISM AND QUACKERY OF ALL THE TALENTS." SIR,-At a time when every heart and hand should be directed to one sole object→→ the defence and preservation of our country; it is a matter of astonishment and regret, to see persons who assume to themselves all the talents of the country, not only withholding from the state the benefit of these great abilities, be they real or imaginary; but by continuing the discussion of decided points, distracting and dividing our attention from what ought to be its great object. The parliamentary reporters, at least, continue to impute to the members of the late government, a pertinacious adherence to the sentiments which produced their dismissal, and a liberal enlargement of those errors and absurdities, upon which the voice of the country has so decidedly pro nounced. The late first lord of the treasury has, since the treaty of Tilsit, declared it as his opinion, that Catholic emancipation is not only indispensable to the safety of the state, but ought to be first attended to; and another member of the late ministry

* See No. 22 of vol. I. p. 341.

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