country; because the choice of a new house of commons is not what it ought to be, and what it is hypocritically pretended to be, an Appeal to the Sense of the People.

“In November last, the then Ministry, by an unusual dissolution of parliament, affected to appeal to the sense of the people. And this sense of the people immediately consented to drive themselves from the first floor to the garret, and to beggar their posterity, by granting to the ministry a yearly tenth of all the income and profits of the property and industry of the whole nation, together with an additional ten per cent. upon the already enormous assessed taxes.

"Only six months afterwards, another set of men, thé présent ministry, follow the example of the last set, and affect, in their turn, by another dissolution of parliament, to appeal likewise again to the sense of the people. What this last taken sense of the people will produce it is easy to foresee, and we shall soon expe

rience.

"Gentlemen, they both of them laugh at the people-they despise the people— ́and those who have robbed us most, have justly the most contempt for us. It is the common cant of both parties to deny that there is any such thing as the people— and they insultingly ask us, where such a thing as a People is to be found in England -I can now answer their question-in Westminster-in the metropolis of England. And, if the corrupt and mercenary tactions shall see the other inhabitants of England act firmly and perseveringly like a people, they with quickly acknowledge them to be such-and those who now tread oppressively upon their necks, will be found humble at their feet.

"I cannot, gentlemen, go back to my place at table without returning my sin cere thanks to the electors of Westminster, for the honour they have conferred upon me; assuring them that my whole life shall be devoted to their service."

These ravings confirm my observation respecting the effect of the disease upon the unfortunate patient; they are produced only when he is in the presence of the fabble; and the paroxysms are more or less violent in proportion to the greater of lesser number of his auditory. It is also worthy of attention, that this disease is sometimes fatal to the patient, when its exacerbation is so extremely violent as to render it necessary to the public quiet to apply the pilula salutarin, known by the name of "the 25th Edw. 3. c. 2." Many distinguished patriots have, in our times been obliged to submit to the operation of this remedy; and it was not long ago administered with signal effect to col. Despard, the friend of sir Francis Burdett. There is no quackery, (or as Mr. Perry of the Morning Chronicle will have it, “ hackery,") in this medicine; for it is a statutable remedy which even the college of physicians are bound to recommend, when the occasion calls for it; and it possesses besides the certain efficacy—of being sure to kill those who will not be cured.

по соо

The speech which I have inserted above, is the result of one of the paroxysms which ultimately lead to the worst and last stage of the disease. It contains exactly the same delirious expressions as all the preceding harangues of the baronet; for it is a property of this malady, and which, I believe is common to every other species of insanity, that the mind broods over one object only, and the tongue harps only upon one string. Thus, in his address to the freeholders of Middlesex, Sir Francis Burdett says, "it is impossible to imagine that any efforts of ours can at this time procure redress-in this desperate situation of affairs, (for such I esteem it,) I cannot consent to become a candidate for any seat in parliament:" also, in his letter of April 29, addressed to Paull, at the meeting of the electors of Westminster, assembled at the Crown and Anchor tavern, he remarks, “my own mind is quite made up; the country cannot be served by taking a part, and thereby aiding in the decision." Again, in his subsequent address to the electors after they had returned him to parliament, he says, “forgive me for feeling something like despair of any good to the country;—and lastly, in the fit after the dinner at the Crown and Anchor on Monday, he tells the deluded multitude, "I have but small hope, that any weak endea Yours of mine will be able to benefit my country; because the choice of a new house of commons is not what it ought to be, and what it is hypocritically pretended to be, an appeal to the sense of the people." There was much truth in the expression that his weak endeavours would not benefit the country, and the consistency of his

doctrines proves the confirmed state of the disease to which I have already alluded, We may discover also, the full force of the discase in the further correspondence of his sentiments at this dinner with all his former notions: thus,

"Lord Melville, with his associates and abettors, under the pretence of loyalty; the leaders of the whigs, under the pretence of the constitution; and the leaders of the catholics, under the pretence of religion, are all struggling for one and the same objecta share of the common spoil; whilst the wholesome power of the crown, the fair liberty of the subject, and the real interests of any religion, are all sacrificed to the common object-plunder."--Address to the freeholders of Middlesex.

"Gentlemen, figure to yourself a gang of robbers, combined to plunder the peaceable and industrious inhabitants of several surrounding parishes, and agreeing amongst themselves to share the booty, in such proportions as the leader of the gang shall appoint to each. From time to time it will happen, that some thief or other amongst them will purloin a part of the booty, and clandestinely appropriate to himself more than his appointed share. The purloiner is detected: and the gang, with open mouths, exclaim against the atrocity of cheating the regiment, the only crime of the kind which they acknowledge to be so. Would it not be ridiculous in these plundered parishes to take any part in such a dispute, and to divide themselves into strong parties for the accusers or the accused? as long as the thieves, in common, take all they can seize, what is it to the plundered people who share the booty, how they share it, and in what proportions ? ought they not rather to destroy the gang and abolish the combination? such is my conception of the different corrupt ministers we have seen, and their corrupt adherents; and unless the public, with an united voice, shall loudly pronounce the abolition of the whole of the present system of corruption, I must still continue to despair of my country."—Address to the electors of Westminster after his election.

"Gentlemen, they both of them laugh at the people-they despise the peopleand those who have robbed us most, have justly the most contempt for us. It is the common cant of both parties to deny that there is any such thing as the people, and and they insultingly ask us where such a thing as a people is to be found in England? I can now answer their question-in Westminster-in the metropolis of England. And, if the corrupt and inercenary factions shall see the other inhabitants of Eng land act firmly and perseveringly like a people. they will quickly acknowledge them to be such and those who now tread oppressively upon their necks, will be found humble at their feet."-The speech on Monday at the Crown and Anchor.

These extracts will suffice for the present to substantiate the correctness of the resemblance which I find between the theological and political maniac. The speech of sir Francis deserves no further commentary in this place, because I have already animadverted upon the same subject in the preceding numbers of this work. As he is once more a member of the house of commons, the public will have better opportunities of appreciating his talents than they can possibly derive from any exposure of his ignorance and incapacity upon paper: they will perceive that vanity and folly go hand in hand, and that it is not a novelty in human affairs to find imposture enjoy a momentary triumph over the reason and best interests of mankind.

THEORY OF MONEY (CONTINUED).

1st, To state what appears to be the ground-work, or true first principle, upon which the existence of money, or a circulating medium, depends.

The great mistake into which, it is conceived, the writers upon money have fallen, is, that they have not gone deep enough for a foundation, whercon to rear their speculations; finding that gold and silver had, in all ages, been employed as the circulating medium, and that the quantity of these in a coin was always equal, or nearly equal, to the value it passed for, they concluded that these metals were the standards of value;" and, therefore, they have employed all their labours and skill in vain endeavours to reconcile the different phænomena of money to this idea; and this they did, although, at the same time, they allowed that the metals themselves varied in value, consequently, they ought to have seen the absurdity of at tempting to establish any article of variable value, "the invariable standard of

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value." Now, had they only examined a little deeper, they must have discovered
That, in every country, there exists another standard of value, a nominal or imaginary
one, of which the coins passing in circulation are only simbols or tokens, and which
standard, from its nature, is perfecily invariable. Montesquieu says, "the blacks,
on the coast of Africa, have a sign purely ideal; for fixing the value of their com
modities, when they wish to make an exchange of them, they say, such an article
s worth three macutes, such another is worth five macutes, and such another tea
and yet à macute can neither be seen, nor felt, it is entirely an abstract term, and
not applicable to any sensible object. Is it a coin? Is it a token? Is it a measure?
It is neither a coin, a token, nor a measure, for they do not exchange their mer
chandise for three, five, or ten macutes, but for some article worth the same aum-
ber of macutes." This is an exact description of what is meant by an imaginary
standard, and it also shews that such a standard is to be found, even in uncivilised
nations, where the use of coins is not known; indeed, it is conceived, that without
it, little or no intercourse could be carried on betwixt man and man, because all
value being comparative, it would be impossible for mankind, especially in the pre-
sent improved state of society, to make the daily exchanges of property, without
assaming some fixed point, upon which to found their calculation of the value of
each article; and the only difference to be observed betwixt the practice of these
blacks, and that of civilised nations, is, that in place of actually giving one com
modity for another, the latter employ sensible objects, as tokens or simbols of the
ideal sign, and which, by mutual agreement, are passed from hand to hand, in ex-
change for those commodities at certain fixed values. In doing this, these tokens or
simbols are not employed as articles of value themselves, but merely as representa-
tives of the standard; they have been so long in use, however, that the original
has been completely overlooked, and the types have been taken for the thing signi
fied. It seems to have been owing to this, that the existence of the standard itself,
has hitherto escaped the notice of all the writers on this subject, even Dr. Adam
Smith appears to have been quite ignorant of it. In talking of the northern nations
having more silver than gold, he says, "In England therefore, and for the same
reason, I believe, in all the other nations of Europe, all accounts are kept, and the
value of all goods, and of all estates, is generally computed in silver; and when
we mean to express the amount of a person's fortune, we seldom mention the num-
ber of guineas, but the number of pounds sterling which we suppose would be given
for it; and from this he argues, that silver is the standard of these countries. flad
the pound sterling continued to have consisted of all weight of fine silver, as it did
originally, then would there have been some appearance of ground for his argu
ment; but, when a pound sterling comes to be represented by about four ounces of
silver, that is at an end; and the existence of a standard of value, of which the metals
are only simbols, may be clearly proved from this very quotation; for, in Great
Britain, the pound sterling is really and truly the standard by which the value of
all articles is regulated and ascertained; and the gold, silver, and copper coins,
which have been issued by the government, and pass in common circulation, being
just the simbols, or tokens of that standard, are employed expressly as such, aud
not as articles of real value themselves; and, therefore, when it is said, that such a
man is worth ten thousand pounds, it is not meant that he is really possessed of ten
thousand lb. weight of silver or any quantity of silver, nor has it any relation what-
ever to silver or gold; it is merely to be understood that he holds property in the
country in lands, houses, merchandise, debts due to himn, &c. the relative value of which,
were they to be exchanged for other aricles of valne, would be stated at ten thou-
sand pounds, or ten thousand times the standard of the country; accordingly,
when a man makes up a state of his property, the value of the gold and silver he
really has, generally bears a very small proportion, and it is always stated at so many
pounds, or parts of a pound sterling.

This ideal standard, or as it will in future be called, the standard unit, appears to be something of the same nature with the letter placed for the unknown quantity in algebra; it has no real value itself, but, by it, the relative value of all articles are fixed, all accounts are kept, and all exchange of property is settled. Accord

et considerations; and they attempt to justify a similar policy of their own, which, when they had effected, rendered then the scorn of Europe, and the disgrace of their country.

There was another very serious objection raised against the late dissolution, in the course of the debate, and of which the opposition candidates made a very im proper use during the elections.I mean the assertion, that parliament was dissolved for the purpose of suppressing most serious, deliberate, and important inquiries. This insinuation, artfully and wickedly thrown out, to answer clection purposes, and to court popularity, has been since falsified by the revival of that committee of inquiry. That this committee may render essential service to their country, I shall be the last man to deny; but it is to be hoped, that in all their inquiries they will keep in view, that the detection of frauds and public peculators will produce no good to the state, unless vigorous restrictive measures be adopted to keep the hands of evil-disposed persons, in future, from picking and stealing. It is to be hoped that they will not tread in the steps of the late ministers, who threw out a tub to the whale; who had economy perpetually on their lips, and wasteful expenditure in their hearts; who, while they pretended to encourage the exposure of public malversations, for the self-evident purpose of deluding the people with a shew of public virtue, actually screened a delinquent, Mr. Alexander Davison, and retained him in an high official situation, until they were driven from power themselves. I-entertain so favourable an opinion of the present ministers as to feel assured that their practice will be agreeable to their preaching; and that though a revision of past abuses and corruptions be expedient, yet that they will look before them also, meet our public distempers with a manly firmness, and strive to correct them with judgment and integrity. By so doing, popularity need not be sued; it will follow them in their career. Dr. Davenant, who wrote above an hundred years ago, has laid down the mode of conduct which I have recommended above, with, so much truth, justice, and patriotism, that I cannot forbear from making an extract out of his chapter, entitled-" That mismanagement is as well redressed by looking into things, as by accusing persons."

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Private men," says he, "in the attacks made upon them, would scarce be able to raise factions, and to interest a nation in their quarrel, if they who set themselves to correct abuses in the state, would show a disposition to mend things rather than to meddle with persons; and the attempt is stronger, and surer to take effect the one than the other way. For though persons have been sometimes brought in aid in things, by the greatness of their names, power, and interest, to obstruct inquiries, and though they have been held up as shields for inferior criminals to fight under, yet the assembly must be very corrupt where this succeeds;-it is an artifice that can hardly be made use of more than once; and they who let their party thus set them in the fore-front of the battle, instead of protecting others, find it difficult to save themselves. Besides, this craft is easily defeated by over-looking the person, and steadily pursuing to correct the fault, which is always the safest course: for men grow ashamed of defending what is in itself a real crime, nor can it have perpetual advocates; but friendship, acquaintance, kindred, holding the same opinion, with several other reasons and excuses, are pretended for >making a vigorous stand to bring offenders off, when persons are aimed at and in danger; and often such a stand is made, that misgovernment, instead of being checked, comes to receive a sanction. However, when you strike not so much at things as persons, though you happen to prevail, the contest begets such rancour as keeps the state for a long time after divided and in dissention. This way of re forming a state disturbs the public peace, and the events of it are uncertain; for & many great men thus questioned, have, by the strength of their friends and adherents, escaped popular anger, which instead of shaking has confirmed their power; but the instances are very rare of ministers that have been able to support themselves for any time, whose actions (without naming them) have received a thorough condemnation. Perhaps nothing can more contribute to restore peace * and order in a gover...nent, than to overlook the persons of men, either in contempt or in compassion, and to fall to work in earnest upon mending things. A man may without imputation of blame profess a friendship, and adhere to this or that great

man, pretending to believe him innocent when accused, and consequently join with those who sort together in his defence. But can any party be formed, and can any be so insolent to go along with them who shall openly declare for such crimes, and for such and such corruption and mismanagement? Nor, indeed, can any thing more disappoint the ambitious and wicked designs of corrupt men, than to take away their pretences and false colours, and to leave them without excuse; which you do, when, without expressing anger or prejudice to the persons of men, you make it manifest, that your only aim is to put it out of their power, or out of the power of such as will tread in their steps hereafter, to bring any further mischiefs upon the commonwealth. And, when these measures are taken, it is difficult, if not impossible, to form or keep up parties that shall combine to protect and countenance the vices of the age: for it being the interest of much the major part to be well governed, where the people plainly see all affairs carried on calmly, and without piques, and personal enmities, they let faction drop, and the good join to suppress the bad, which union produces what may be called right and perfect government.”

But to return. We have now seen the injustice of the insinuations cast upon the present ministry by their opponents, for a purpose too evident to be mistaken; and the cruel and ungenerous attack upon lord Melville is a branch of that factious spirit which has broken out with such unwarrantable virulence in our times. It is. reported in the newspapers that lord Milton commenced his parliamentary apprenticeship for the county of York, with declaring, that "he could not help adverting to that part of his majesty's speech which recommended the renewal of the economical inquiries of the late parliament. With what confidence could the nation look for the execution of this pledge to a ministry whose first act was to recal to the councils of his majesty, the man who was declared by a resolution of that house to be a violator of the law, and a betrayer of the public trust reposed in him. It was true that individual was afterwards acquitted; but this was not an acquittal from the resolution, but from the impeachment that followed; and it was an ac quittal not very glorious in its nature or circumstances.”– It is with unfeigned regret that I observe a spirit of persecution (if this report be true) displayed at so early a period of life; and though his lordship may glory in serving an apprenticeship in parliament to the commercial interests of the county of York, this declaration proves that he has not served an apprenticeship to the laws of his country.Will his lordship pretend, that when a grand jury finds a true bill against an individual upon ex parte evidence, and that individual is in consequence consigned to a trial before a jury of his country, and is afterwards fully acquitted, that the previous finding of the bill is to be considered as a lasting evidence of his guilt? If 50, there can be no distinction between impeachment and trial, and a bare impeachment of any individual by the house of commons should supersede the necessity of any trial; the house would thus become accusers and judges. No trial was ever conducted with greater impartiality and deliberation than that of lord Melville; and the acquittal ought to have led immediately to the rescinding of the resolutions of the house, if a due respect had been paid to the principles of our jurisprudence, and to the universal rules of equity.

The law of England declares that a man who has been tried for any offence from the guilt of which he has been subsequently acquitted, is deemed innocent in the contemplation of justice; and the doctrine is so well established, that a person is liable to an action for accusing any one so acquitted of the crime of which he was acquitted. It would be a perversion of all the maxims of equity, it would level to the ground our justly boasted system of jurisprudence, if it were to be entertained or a moment, that imputation of guilt, and guilt itself are synonimous terms. We should thus open the door for the establishment of a Turkish jurisprudence in a land of liberty and equal laws. I repeat again, that the resolutions of the house of commons ought, in justice to lord Melville, from respect to the high tribunal by which he was acquitted, and out of regard to their own honour, to have been rescinded on the very day of his acquittal. In fact, they were abrogated by the verdict of the peers of the realm, though, as a matter of form in an assemble which is extremely tenacious, and justly so, of forms, it would have been more cca