Mr. Redhead Yorke's weekly political review

"In every thing I have done, I have only had the happiness of my people in view-that has always been in my eyes far dearer to me than my own renown.

"I wish for peace by sea. No irritation shall ever have any influence on my decisions with respect to that object. I cannot be irritated against a nation which is the sport and the victim of the parties that devour it, and which is misled, as well with respect to its own affairs as to those of its neighbours.

"But, whatever may be the termination which Providence has decreed the maritime war shall have, my people will always find me the same, and I shall always find them worthy of me.

"Frenchmen, your conduct in these times towards your emperor, who was more than five hundred miles distant from you, has increased my respect; and the idea I had formed of your character.-I have felt myself proud to be the first amongst you. The proofs of attachment which you have given me, while, during ten months of absence and danger, I was ever present to your thoughts, have constantly awakened in me the livelest sensations. All my solicitudes-all that related even to the safety of my person, was only interesting to me, on account of the part you took in them, and the important influence which they might produce on your future destiny ;-you are a good and a great people.

"I have contrived various means for simplifying and perfecting our institutions> The nation has experienced the happiest effects from the establishment of the legion of honour. I have distributed various imperial titles, in order to give a new lusture to the most distinguished of my subjects, to honour extraordinary services by extraordinary rewards, and at once to prevent the return of all feudal titles, which are incompatible with our constitution.

"The accounts of my ministers of finance, and of the public treasury, will make known to you the prosperous state of our finances. My people will see the contributions upon real property considerably diminished.

My minister of the interior will give you an account of the public works which are begun or finished; but those which may still be expected, are much more considerable, since it is my determination that in all parts of my empire, even in the smallest hamlet, the comforts of the citizens, and the value of the lands shall be increased, by the developement of that universal system of improvement which I have formed.

"Gentlemen, deputies to the legislative body, your assistance in the accomplishment of that great object will be necessary to me, and I have a right to reckon upon that assistance with confidence."

ANSWER OF THE PRUSSIAN COURT TO THE AUSTRIAN OFFER OF MEDIATION.

"His majesty the king, recognizing the motives which induced his apostolic majesty to offer his mediation between the more distinguished of the powers now at war, in order, by means of his good services, to lead to conferences concerning peace, is eager to testify all the gratitude he feels on this account. The king beholds this measure of the Court of Vienna with pleasure, as it respects himself, considering it as the effect of that friendship of which the emperor and king has given him more than one proof, and therefore feels this more strongly. The desire to see the evils terminated, which have pressed upon Europe during so many years, and his natural moderation, would induce him to accept, without scruple, the offer of his imperial and royal majesty, if he could convince himself, that the basis which France would consent to in a negociation, would be such as his honour allowed him to accept. The way and manner in which Napoleon has constantly evaded explaining himself in this resp ct is no fortunate omen. Yet, should his imperial and royal majesty succeed in inducing France to state such a basis, and make it known to the king, and should they be not altogether hostile to the end which his majesty has been endeavouring to attain, in common with his allies, his Prussian majesty will eagerly accept the offer which his imperial and royal apostolic majesty has just made.

Printed and published by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumberland-Street, Strand; Sold by H. T. HODGSON, Wimpole-street; J. BELL, Sweeting's-alley, Cornhill; and by all the News-venders in Town and Country.

Vol. III. No. 10.

Saturday, September 5, 1807.

Price 10d.

177

OF THE POLICY SUITED TO THE EXIGENCIES OF THE TIMES. It was my intention to have reserved the agitation of this subject, as was stated in my last number, until I had laid before the public the plan of national defence, which I then announced; but, upon more mature deliberation, I have resolved to devote this paper to the full investigation of both these topics, because they are closely connected, and, indeed, cannot be separated from each other. While we propose measures which we think will be productive of general safety, we ought not to overlook the means which already exist, and which have been put into execution; neither ought we, in suggesting other plans, to appear insensible of the good which has been wrought by the assiduity and efforts of the government. But, though we are bound to acknowledge the advantages that the country derives from the late regulations, especially the excellent plan for the augmentation of the regular army, by volunteers from the militia; yet, it would not be difficult to shew, that the measure, highly productive as it has been, and is likely to be, for some time, is only a temporary expedient, and that, if frequently resorted to, it would prove, at length, to be a tedious and burthensome resource, besides being disproportionate to the exigencies of the times. Unfortunately, whenever projects of improvement in our civil or military affairs have been started, they have rarely met with a calm and dispassionate examination; so that questions of the highest moment are debated by all descriptions of persons, in general, not according to their own intrinsic merits, but rather with a view to their effects upon the strength of the different parties under which the people, for the most part, arrange themselves. This is a lamentable misdirection of the public spirit; and though I be sensible, that all the reasoning in the world will make no impression upon those whose minds are thus influenced; yet the sense of their country's immediate dangers, and even a regard to their own personal safety, should induce them to wave their party-affections, when great questions of national policy are submitted to their judgment. More than this no one can expect ; for the evil of party, if it be one, seems to be co-existent with the prevalence of a free constitution. We have had, within the last hundred years, more volumes, and pamphlets of dissertations, published upon the pernicious effects of parties than would suffice to set a kingdom on fire; yet neither our fathers, nor ourselves, have seen a solitary year pass away, without witnessing their effects, and which, after all the denunciations thundered against them, have not been shewn to be incompatible with the existence of public liberty, and a well-ordered government. In fact, the good or evil which parties may occasion, will be found to arise rather in eccentric moments, than during the ordinary course of affairs; therefore, without detaining the reader with a laboured disquisition upon the theory of practice of parties, I shall confine myself to the bare repetition of my former observation, that, under whatever denomination of politics men may class themselves, they ought to bring the utmost impartiality and disinterestedness into the investigation of subjects, involving the existence itself of their country. On account of the general inattention to this rule of prudence, for some years back, it has been thought useful to make these reflections ; for the evil that we cannot altogether prevent, we may certainly render less obnoxious by good management.

The constitution of this country, happily for the people who live under it, can conform itself to every change in human affairs, except to the establishment of despotic authority, and democratic licentiousness. Its primary qualities, and chief excellence, consist in its being progressive; in its keeping pace with the moral condition of the people, and in the easy enlargement and adaptation of its fundamental principles, to the most critical exigencies of national affairs. From this grand and. consoling truth, we derive a species of consecrated encouragement in the pursuit of measures, whose tendency is to strengthen and uphold the venerable edifice, which gives shelter to every one from oppression and wrongs. Hence, it follows, that alterations

VOL. III.NO. 10.

In every thing I have done, I have only had the happiness of my people in view-that has always been in my eyes far dearer to me than my own renown.

I wish for peace by sea. No irritation shall ever have any influence on my decisions with respect to that object. I cannot be irritated against a nation which is the sport and the victim of the parties that devour it, and which is misled, as well with respect to its own affairs as to those of its neighbours.

"But, whatever may be the termination which Providence has decreed the maritime war shall have, my people will always find me the same, and I shall always find them worthy of me.

Frenchmen, your conduct in these times towards your emperor, who was more than five hundred miles distant from you, has increased my respect; and the idea I had formed of your character.-I have felt myself proud to be the first amongst you. The proofs of attachment which you have given me, while, during ten months of absence and danger, I was ever present to your thoughts, have constantly awakened in me the livelest sensations. All my solicitudes-all that related even to the safety of my person, was only interesting to me, on account of the part you took in them, and the important influence which they might produce on your future destiny ;-you are a good and a great people.

"The accounts of my ministers of finance, and of the public treasury, will make known to you the prosperous state of our finances. My people will see the contri butions upon real property considerably diminished.

My minister of the interior will give you an account of the public works which are begun or finished; but those which may still be expected, are much more con siderable, since it is my determination that in all parts of my empire, even in the smallest hamlet, the comforts of the citizens, and the value of the lands shall be increased, by the developement of that universal system of improvement which I have formed.

"Gentlemen, deputies to the legislative body, your assistance in the accomplishment of that great object will be necessary to me, and I have a right to reckon upon that assistance with confidence."

ANSWER OF THE PRUSSIAN COURT TO THE AUSTRIAN OFFER OF MEDIATION.

Printed and published by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumberland-Street, Strand; Sold by H. T. HODGSON, Wimpole-street; J. BELL, Sweeting's-alley, Cornhill; and by all the News-venders in Town and Country.

Vol. III. No. 10.

Saturday, September 5, 1807.

Price 10d.

177

OF THE POLICY SUITED TO THE EXIGENCIES OF THE TIMES. It was my intention to have reserved the agitation of this subject, as was stated in my last number, until I had laid before the public the plan of national defence, which I then announced; but, upon more mature deliberation, I have resolved to devote this paper to the full investigation of both these topics, because they are closely connected, and, indeed, cannot be separated from each other. While we propose measures which we think will be productive of general safety, we ought not to overlook the means which already exist, and which have been put into execution; neither ought we, in suggesting other plans, to appear insensible of the good which has been wrought by the assiduity and efforts of the government. But, though we are bound to acknowledge the advantages that the country derives from the late regulations, especially the excellent plan for the augmentation of the regular army, by volunteers from the militia; yet, it would not be difficult to shew, that the measure, highly productive as it has been, and is likely to be, for some time, is only a temporary expedient, and that, if frequently resorted to, it would prove, at length, to be a tedious and burthensome resource, besides being disproportionate to the exigencies of the times. Unfortunately, whenever projects of improvement in our civil or military affairs have been started, they have rarely met with a calm and dispassionate examination; so that questions of the highest moment are debated by all descriptions of persons, in general, not according to their own intrinsic merits, but rather with a view to their effects upon the strength of the different parties under which the people, for the most part, arrange themselves. This is a lamentable misdirection of the public spirit; and though I be sensible, that all the reasoning in the world will make no impression upon those whose minds are thus influenced; yet the sense of their country's immediate dangers, and even a regard to their own personal safety, should induce them to wave their party-affections, when great questions of national policy are submitted to their judgment. More than this no one can expect; for the evil of party, if it be one, seems to be co-existent with the prevalence of a free constitution. We have had, within the last hundred years, more volumes, and pamphlets of dissertations, published upon the pernicious effects of parties than would suffice to set a kingdom on fire; yet neither our fathers, nor ourselves, have seen a solitary year pass away, without witnessing their effects, and which, after all the denunciations thundered against them, have not been shewn to be incompatible with the existence of public liberty, and a well-ordered government. In fact, the good or evil which parties may occasion, will be found to arise rather in eccentric moments, than during the ordinary course of affairs; therefore, without detaining the reader with a laboured disquisition upon the theory of practice of parties, I shall confine myself to the bare repetition of my former observation, that, under whatever denomination of politics men may class themselves, they ought to bring the utmost impartiality and disinterestedness into the investigation of subjects, involving the existence itself of their country. On account of the general inattention to this rule of prudence, for some years back, it has been thought useful to make these reflections ; for the evil that we cannot altogether prevent, we may certainly render less obnoxious by good management.

The constitution of this country, happily for the people who live under it, can conform itself to every change in hunan affairs, except to the establishment of despotic authority, and democratic licentiousness. Its primary qualities, and chief excellence, consist in its being progressive; in its keeping pace with the moral condition of the people, and in the easy enlargement and adaptation of its fundamental principles, to the most critical exigencies of national affairs. From this grand and consoling truth, we derive a species of consecrated encouragement in the pursuit of measures, whose tendency is to strengthen and uphold the venerable edifice, which gives shelter to every one from oppression and wrongs. Hence, it follows, that alterations

VOL. III. -No. 10.

"In every thing I have done, I have only had the happiness of my people in view-that has always been in my eyes far dearer to me than my own renown.

"But, whatever may be the termination which Providence has decreed the ma→ ritime war shall have, my people will always find me the same, and I shall always find them worthy of me.

My minister of the interior will give you an account of the public works which are begun or finished; but those which may still be expected, are much more con siderable, since it is my determination that in all parts of my empire, even in the smallest hamlet, the comforts of the citizens, and the value of the lands shall be increased, by the developement of that universal system of improvement which I have formed.

that

"Gentlemen, deputies to the legislative body, your assistance in the accomplishment of that great object will be necessary to me, and I have a right to reckon upon assistance with confidence,"

ANSWER OF THE PRUSSIAN COURT TO THE AUSTRIAN OFFER OF MEDIATION.

Printed and published by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumberland-Street, Strand; Sold by H. T. HODGSON, Wimpole-street; J. BELL, Sweeting's-alley, Cornhill; and by all the News-venders in Town and Country.

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Mr. Redhead Yorke's weekly political review, Volumen3