Cathcart, inserted below, be read with attention, and shew me when and where the revolutionary hordes of France, with all their tygerous mewing, and whining rhapsodies upon philanthropy, freedom, and friendship, have ever permitted their operations to be preceded by a declaration so frank, honest, and explanatory of the stern necessity of their motives. When and where have they, I will not say, conformed to such principles, but when and where have they abided, in a single instance, by the promises which they themselves have made to the inhabitants of the countries which they were about to invade, or to the neutrals whose independence they have destroyed under the pretext of protecting it? This proclamation will be an unfading monument, by which after ages will contrast the national character of the people of France, and that of the people of Great Britain.

66

With respect of the power best capable of affording protection to Denmark against the resentment of the other, no doubt can be entertained, while Great Brita in retains its maritime preponderance. If the expedition had been postponed until the French had occupied Holstein, and commenced their preparations for the seizure of the Danish fleet, the isle of Zealand must have been treated by us as an hostile province, and in the event of our success, the fleet of Denmark would have been transferred to the victors for ever. But now, we have gone, "in the most amicable manrer," not to rob, to cheat, or to surprize under fraudulent pretences, but avowedly, "not as enemies, but in self-defence, to prevent those who have so long disturbed the peace of Europe, from compelling the force of the Danish navy to be turned against us!" Accordingly, we require only a temporary deposit," of this navy, in one of his majesty's ports, until the conclusion of a general peace, "when every ship shall be restored in the same condition and state of equipment, as when received under the PROTECTION of the British flag!" These are the words of the proclamationthis the object of our expedition; and is it not obvious, from its spirit and letter, that if this deposit be made, we consider ourselves as pledged to protect Denmark with the utmost power of Britain, against the resentment of France? And can the Danes, who are not ignorant of our maritime greatness, doubt the certainty of our power, being, under the providence of God, adequate to protect them? The French have not a single ship of war in the Baltic, nor can they, by the exertion of the most violent means, construct a fleet in that quarter, while we command the sea: It would be an insult to our naval commanders to say, that it would be possible for them to unite their different squadrons now stationed in their various western harbours, with a view to force the passage of the Sound, while a British admiral's flag is visible at its entrance. The isle of Zealand, therefore, would be wholly protected from French invasion, and I trust that the beneficence of our government will place the Danish commerce, and industry, under the same protection as our own.

Let this policy be compared with the treacherous conduct of the French government, and of this same free-booter Buonaparte, towards the state of Venice, whose peaceful neutrality they violated, and whose independence was subverted, by a complicated series of frauds and villanies. And for what? To possess its treasures, to sack its arsenals, and seize its navy, for the purpose of facilitating that guilty and rapacious expedition to the shores of Egypt, which was undertaken with a view to destroy Great Britain, by attacking her extremities, and which, originating in perfidy and vice, terminated in discomfiture and shame. Buonaparte, and his ravenous myrmydons, extinguished at a blow the glory and independence of the Venetian republic, under the same pretexts upon which he meditates the extinction of Denmark. The arts practised by the French, to ruin and corrupt the morals of the people, and to excite divisions amongst them after they had been admitted into the Venetian state, sufficiently show the species of protection which neutrals must expect from them. To be safe, it became necessary to betray the state: the press was converted into a perpetual fountain of adulation upon Buonaparte, and his army, and of calumny and destruction for all others. In the midst of the general dilapidation, an organized system of crimes, made the citizens lose all enjoyment of life; the rapine and oppression of the French army, still further deprived them of it. Industry was injured in all its relations, commerce exhausted in all its branches, and agriculture despoiled of its most useful implements. A contemporary writer, who has favoured the public with an account of the fall of this republic, mentions, that the most illustrious monuments of the fine arts, pictures, sculpture, bronzes, cameos, manuscripts, scarce books,

all were plundered by the French; the churches were robbed, pious institutions pillaged, and even from the mounts of piety in Terra ferma, 80 pounds of diamonds (worth nearly half a million sterling) were carried away. The ships of the state, the ordnance, arms, and the immense deposit in the arsenal, were plundered, and what could not be carried off, was destroyed. The walls alone of that enormous edifice remained uninjured.

The spoils amounted to above forty millions of ducats, those of Corfu to seven millions. The funds of public bodies, the national treasure and magazines, every thing was stript from a power then, for the first time, disarmed. The inviolable rights of private property were insolently regarded as trophies by the French: the holders were oppressed with frequent imposts, forced loans, enormous requisitions, and daily compelled to resign, to French officers, all sorts of conveniences essential to the ease and comfort of life. Carriages, horses, palaces, apartments, wines, provisions, costly or moderate tables, all were destined to the use of soldiers, who frequently compensated so much munificence by devastating the houses, chambers, and villas of their hosts. Robbing, they condemned the theft; they restored, perhaps, some trifling object, to preserve the rest of their prey; some acts of justice, which chance caused to spring from self-interest, was magnified, through the means of the press, while the blackest predatory crimes were buried in profound oblivion. Property being violated, persons were not respected. Abuses of power were every where exercised with the most cruel excesses. By treachery, violence, blows, murders, the inhabitants were daily harassed, and daily treated with that merciless austerity, with which the Spartans trampled upon the Helots. A most severe command tore from the arms of desolate mothers their unwilling children, to expose them to all the toils and dangers of foreign warfare. Another severe command robbed every habitation of its arms, and useless and frequently destructive resistances, thus leaving the citizens unable to defend their private rights, and compelled to bend to the will of a tyrant, who was announcing, in clamourous proclamations, the most ample liberty, though, at the same moment, inflicting servile obedience with drawn swords. At length, after having corrupted and sacked the provinces of the republic, the French delivered them into a foreign hand, leaving, to the Venetians, only the bitter remembrance of those who had betrayed them, and their native soil to inundate with their tears. When the lapse of ages shall have left no vestiges of this magnificent capital but wretchedness and solitude; when, upon its august walls, and even its superb towers, the grass shall grow; when Venice shall be utterly abandoned, and remain a desert; the inhabitant of the most barbarous land shall still seek there the ashes of her ancient heroes; and, full of admiration at the crumbling ruins of her greatness, shall exclaim with wonder, how this monument of human genius was sacrificed in circumstances destructive to religion, pernicious to man, and fatal to the throne.*

This lamentable example of French protection, taken from the most authentic source, will be sufficient to point out the distinction between the British and French nations. Denmark could not hope to experience greater lenity than the Venetians, if the French were to obtain a footing in their country.

Having thus assigned adequate reasons, which would justify Deumark in accepting of our protection, in preference to that of France, I shall next advert to the justice and policy of the measure which our government is pursuing. As I have often had occasion to censure the invasion of the neutrality of other countries by the French, it may be asked upon what principle I can reconcile the condemnation of their policy with the applause which I have bestowed upon our own government, for adopting the same line of conduct?

(For want of room this question must be answered in our next, as the printer states that we have carried the subject far beyond our limits.)

Nothing, therefore, remains but to detail the manner in which the commanders of our expedition have hitherto proceeded in the execution of the plan of the government. On the 1st instant, the following bulletin was published by our govern

ment :

*For a full account of the events which odeced and attended the fall of Venice, see Mr. Hinckley's translation of an Italian work, entitled "An accurate account of the Fall of the republic of Venice, &c."

"Downing Street, Sept. 1, 1807.-Dispatches have arrived from lieutenantgeneral lord Cathcart, and vice-admiral Gambier, by which it appears that lord Cathcart joined the admiral on the 12th ult. ; that on the 13th, Mr. Taylor, his majesty's minister at the court of Copenhagen, having left that city upon the Danish government having declined to enter into an amicable arrangement, it was determined to land the army early in the morning of the 14th, but, owing to contrary winds, the ships of war and transports could not be brought up to the place of debarkation till late in the evening of the 15th.-Early, however, in the morning of the 16th, the army was disembarked at a village called Vedbech, about ten miles north of Copenhagen, without any opposition; lord Rosslyn, with the troops from Stralsund, had arrived on the 14th, off Moen Island.

"Upon the debarkation of the troops, a proclamation, by the commander in chief of his majesty's sea and land forces, was issued, declaring the circumstances under which they had felt themselves compelled to proceed to the debarkation of the army.

"By private letters of the 17th, it appears that Copenhagen was then completely invested. The division of troops from Stralsund anchored in Keoge Bay on the preceding day. They were fired at without effect, from the batteries.'

From the above statement, it is clear that no time was lost in prosecuting the best measures for the due accomplishment of the object of the expedition. Our minister at the court of Copenhagen, having notified to our commanders, that the Danish government had declined entering into an amicable arrangement, it was determined to proceed without delay; but the unfavourableness of the wind, which no human effort can controul, prevented the disembarkation of the troops until the morning of the 16th ult, and on the following day, the city was invested by our forces, both by land and sea. Thus far, the alacrity of our troops has corresponded with the vigorous preparations of government, and with the most ardent expectations of their country. Some of our journals have amused the public, for several days, with dissertations upon the expediency of promptitude in our movements, whatever might be the justice of our conduct; and because the wind prevented the receipt of any intelligence from the Baltic, they opened their doleful notes upon an inactivity and a delay, which existed no where but in their fruitful imaginations. It now appears, that no military operation could have been conducted with greater celerity and vigour, and that it has also been preceded by marks of respect and moderation towards Denmark, which, what, ever may be the result of our efforts, will always redound to the credit of our public councils. The city being completely surrounded, little doubt need be entertained of its being, at this moment, in our possession; and if it be true, that lord Cathcart had determined to avoid an assault, it must have been from his confidence in the ultimate success of the enterprize, and his desire to obtain the object by a bloodless achievement. This does honour to the British name; for, though a more daring conduct would have excited the applause of the vulgar, who are apt to estimate military glory more by the devastations it has occasioned, than by the bloodshed it has avoided, yet, reflecting minds will acknowledge, that true glory consists in the exercise of forbearance, when the object is attainable without violence. An assault might cost many thousand lives; when a few days investment would assuredly compel the city to capitulate from want of provisions. Besides, our fleet has so completely encompassed the island, that no succours can be derived from abroad. Here we are furnished with another proof of the amicable temper, tenderness, and moderation of our government, which cannot fail to make a favourable impression upon the Danes. However, that every insinuation against the ministry may not be unexhausted, we are told in the Morning Chronicle of yesterday, that it was reported on the preceding night, that "the French have introduced some officers into Copenhagen, and that marshal Brune, or Bernadotte, had arrived there to command." What then? Suppose Buonaparte, and all his marshals, had arrived there, they could not have defended a vast circumference, fortified merely by a wall and a ditch, and defended only by a few.regulars, and a body of unwarlike, though brave burghers. Such an obstinacy and coalition of discordant materials, though possessing" All the Talents," could not resist an assault, the necessity of which would be then justified. We do not live in feudal times; and, therefore, it is to be hoped, that the report mentioned in the Chronicle is true in every particular, though every one knows that it is a LYE fabricated at home.

Of the intentions of the Danish government we can form no idea, except from its official declaration. His majesty, the king of Denmark was removed from Copenhagen, to Colding, which is a fortunate circumstance for us, provided the French should not obtain possession of him: for, the presence of the sovereign in Copenha gen, would inspire me, if I were a Dane, to shed the last drop of my blood, in the assertion of his honour and dignity; and I have no doubt that brave and loyal people, who have victoriously eluded all the dark intrigues and seductions practised by the French revolutionists, would have shewn themselves equally animated in his cause. The crown prince has also left the city. This is a much more fortunate, and, if I see rightly, a much more important event. The absence of the royal family shews that a determined resistance is not intended, and if I chose to speak out, I could say something more. Matters are too palpable, not to be understood by thinking men. fore his royal highness quitted Copenhagen, on the 12th ult. he ordered the following proclamation to be published :

Be

"FELLOW CITIZENS,-After having made all the arrangements which the present circumstances require, I hasten to the army, to operate with it as soon as pos sible for the welfare of my dear countrymen, unless circumstances should speedily arise, which render it possible to settle every thing, according to my wish, in a peaceful and honourable manner. FREDERIC, Prince Royal." Circumstances will arise, I sincerely trust, which will enable this virtuous, excellent, and patriotic prince, to return immediately to the capital, and to continue the exercise of that paternal administration, which has rendered him so worthy of the love of his father's subjects, and of the esteem of their friends.

It is because I will not now speak out, that I abstain from offering any comment upon the proclamation, which his Danish majesty issued from Gluckstadt, on the 16th ult. It contains no more than what every sovereign, possessed of spirit, and the love of justice, should promulgate. under his circumstances.

DANISH PROCLAMATION.

We, Christian the Seventh, by the Grace of God, king of Denmark, Norway, of the Wends and Goths, duke of Schleswig, Holstein Stormarn, and Ditmarschen, also of Oldenburg, &c &c. do herewith make known, that, whereas by the English envoy, Jackson, it was declared to us on the 13th of this month, that hostilities against Denmark would be commenced; and whereas, at the same time, he demanded passports for himself and his suite, consequently the war between Eng land and Denmark may be considered as actually broken out Therefore, we herewith call on all our faithful subjects to take up arms, whenever it shall be required, to frustrate the insidious de signs of the enemy, and repel hostile attack.

We further herewith ordain. that all English ships, as well as all English property, and all English goods, shall be seized by the magistrates and others, in particular by the officers of the customs, wheresoever they may be found. It is further our will, that all English subjects, until, pursuant to our further orders, they can be sent out of the country, shal, without exception, be arrested as enemies of our kingdom and our country, which measure is strictly to be carried into execution by all magistrates, as well as by all subordinate officers, duly to be instructed by them for that purpose; and it is a matter of course that all English ships and boats which approach our coasts shall be considered and treated as hostile.

It is also our will that all suspicious foreigners shall be watched with the greatest attention, and that all magistrates, as well as ali subordinate officers, shall use their utmost efforts, as soon as possible, to discover all spies. Lastly, we find it necessary to ordain, that immediately after publication hereof, all correspondence with English subjects shall entirely cease, and that no payment shall be made to them, on any ground whatever, until our further orders, on pain of severe punishment in case of contravention.

For the rest we rely on the justice of our cause, and the courage and tried fidelity of our be loved subjects.

Given under our royal seal, in our fortress of Gluckstadt, the 16th of August, 1807.

(L S.) R.

G. L. BARON V. BROCKDORff.
J. C. MORITZ.

Proclamation issued August 16th, at Zealand, by Admiral Gambier and Lord Cathcart.

"Whereas the present treaties of peace, and the changes of government and of territory, acceded to by so many powers, have so far increased the influence of France on the continent of Europe, as to render it impossible for Denmark, though it desires to be neutral, to preserve its neutrality, and absolutely necessary for those who continue to resist the French aggression, to take measures to prevent the arms of neutral powers from being turned against them.

"In this view, the king cannot regard the present position of Denmark with indifference; and his majesty has sent negociators, with ample powers, to his Danish

majesty, to request, in the most amicable manner, such explanations as the times require, and a concurrence in such measures as can alone give security against the farther mischiefs which the French meditate, through the acquisition of the Danish navy. The king, our royal and most gracious master, has, therefore, judged it expedient to desire the temporary deposit of the Danish ships of the line, in one of his majesty's ports.

"This deposit seems to be so just, and so indispensably necessary, under the relative circumstances of the neutral and belligerent powers, that his majesty has further deemed it a duty to himself, and to his people, to support this demand by a powerful feet, and by an army amply supplied with every preparation necessary for the most active and determined enterprize.

"We come, therefore, to your shores, inhabitants of Zealand! not as enemies, but in self-defence; to prevent those who have so long disturbed the peace of Europe, from compelling the force of your navy to be turned against us.

"We ask deposit; we have not looked to capture; so far from it, the most solemn pledge has been offered to your government, and is hereby renewed in the name, and at the express command of the king, our master, that, if our demand is amicably acceded to, every ship belonging to Denmark shall, at the conclusion of a general peace, be restored to her, in the same condition and state of equipment, as when received under the protection of the British flag.

"It is in the power of your government, by a word, to sheathe our swords, most reluctantly drawn against you; but if, on the other hand, the machinations of France render you deaf to the voice of reason, and the call of friendship, the innocent blood that will be spilt, and the horrors of a besieged and a bombarded capital, must fall on your own heads, and on those of your cruel advisers.

"His majesty's seamen and soldiers, when on shore, will treat Zealand, as long as your conduct to them permits it, on the footing of a province of the most friendly power in alliance with Great Britain, whose territory has the misfortune to be the theatre of war. The persons of all those who remain at home, and who do not take an hostile part, will be held sacred. Property will be respected and preserved, and the most severe discipline will be enforced.

"Every article of supply, furnished or brought to market, will be paid for at a fair and settled price; but as immediate and constant supplies, especially of provision, forage, fuel, and transports, are necessary to all armies, it is well known that requisitions are unavoidable, and must be enforced.

"Much convenience will arise to the inhabitants, and much confusion and loss to them will be prevented, if persons in authority are found in the several districts to whom requisitions may be addressed, and through whom claims for payment may be settled and liquidated.

"If such persons are appointed, and discharge their duty, without neddling in matters which do not concern them, they shall be respected, and all requisitions shall be addressed to them, through the proper channels, and departments of the navy and army; but, as forbearance, on the part of the inhabitants, is essential to the principle of these arrangements, it is necessary that all manner of civil persons should remain at their respective habitations; and any peasants, or other persons, found in arms, singly, or in small troops, or who may be guilty of any act of violence, must expect to be treated with rigour.

The government of his Danish majesty having hitherto refused to treat this matter in an amicable way, part of the army has been disembarked, and the whole force has assumed a warlike attitude; but it is as yet not too late for the voice of reason and moderation to be heard.

"Given in the Sound, under our hands and seals, this 16th day of August, 1807. (Signed) "J. GAMEIER, Admiral of the blue, and commander of the " fleet in the Baltic.

"CATHCART, lieutenant-general, and commander of the British troops in the north of the continent of Europe."

Printed and published by G. SIDNEY, No. 1, Northumberland-Street, Strand; Sold by H. T. HODGSON, Wimpole-street; J. BELL, Sweeting's-alley, Cornhill; and by all the News-venders in Town and Country.