dissenters of this country, who have connexion, who have means of influence, and who must be naturally inclined, if not conscientiously bound, as honest and religious men, to exert whatever means they possess, to promote and extend the interests of their respective religions.

な

So that, according to their triumphant argument, a temporary law, applying only to foreigners of one sect, and extending only to the army, was just the same thing in reason, in principle, and in extent, with a perpetual law applying to natural born subjects of every sect, and extending both to the army and navy. And they must be blind, or devoted to faction, who saw no mischief in the one, but who apprehended risk of mischief in the other. To whom might most justly be imputed the attempt to deceive the country: who best deserved the name of impostors, those who gravely made such a comparison, or those who maintained that there were no grounds on which such a comparison could rest; the house and the country must determine.

Another charge brought against his majesty's present ministers by the noble lord, and which was stated as a reason why parliament and the country could place no confidence in them, was, that they were the same identical ministers who had themselves so little confidence in their own strength; that, from a consciousness of incapacity, they resigned office upon the death of Mr. Pitt. If that be so, at least it must be admitted that that resignation was no proof of that factious spirit, of that overweaning ambition, which had been laid to their charge. The one accusation destroyed the other. If those ministers had chosen to make a struggle to retain power, they had the means of a sharp one in their hands: but they thought it far better to abandon every consideration, which might be imputed to personal motives, to spare the country that struggle, and to give up the government to those who had so long and so loudly objected to, and opposed, every measure of former adminis trations, as to lead some to believe, that they, and they alone, had the power, and the will, to stop every abuse; to set on foot every reform; to remedy every evil; and to conduct our affairs under better auspices and with happier success. And it must not be forgotten that, at the time, the opposition had Mr. Fox for their leader. Of the stupendous abilities of Mr. Fox there could be but one opinion, however widely opinions might differ as to the application of thein. In opposition he could not but do great mischief; in government he might do good. The experiment was worth the trial. Those, Mr. Ryder believed to have been the true motives of the resignation of that administration; though, to judge from the conduct of the gentlemen opposite to him, he could readily believe, that the voluntary surrender of place and power, the giving up office without compulsion, was an instance of self denial, which they were unable to comprehend, at least, they had not chosen to practise it.

Wherever those hopes of better times had been indulged, how had they been disappointed! To look no further than the first financial operations of that constellation of genius and consistency! they had nearly doubled the duty on property, they had increased that tax from six and quarter to ten per cent, which they reprobated upon every occasion in the strongest terms, which they had described, as a tax subversive of every principle of taxation. They had made large addition to the assessed taxes, which they had themselves, when in opposition, opposed with no less violence.

Mr. Ryder observed that he did not either at that time, nor at the present moment, find fault with those increased burthens, severely as they pressed upon us all. They were necessary; the country knew them to be so, not merely to maintain our glory and our honour, but for our independence, our liberties, and our lives. But he mentioned them merely to prove how completely the government, when in power, had departed from the principles they professed in opposition, and how miserably they had defeated the hopes of their partizans.

But was it true that the present administration was composed wholly of the same individuals, who resigned office upon the death of Mr. Pitt? The noble lord need not have looked further than the bench near him (Mr. Ryder) to perceive that there were two members in the present cabinet, holding high, efficient, responsible

departments in the state, who, though in office before, were not ministers, nor in the situation of confidential advisers of the crown. When he stated that the weight of their abilities and their characters was no unimportant addition to the strength of any administration, he was sure he was speaking the sentiments of all those who sat in former parliaments, and the general and prevailing sentiments of the country at large. If he knew himself at all, he was not actuated by any wish to detract from the just tribute of applause which was due to the distinguished abilities of the noble lord opposite, and who was deservedly considered as the head of his party in that house, nor from the merits of the noble lord near him, when he stated that, in natural and acquired talents, in every qualification which could entitle public men, to public consideration and respect, his right honourable friends had no reason to dread comparison with their predecessors.

Indeed he saw no cause to regret the dismissal of the late ministers; for, excepting the part they took in the abolition of the slave trade, and their financial plans of this year, which, however full of fallacy and error, he approved as far as it avoided any immediate additions to the public burthens, he knew of nothing they had done to justify the expectations they had raised of themselves.

Upon their entrance into office our armies and navies, better appointed and more numerous than any this country ever had to boast of before, were entirely at their disposal; the liberality of parliament refused them no supplies they desired; Our constancy was ready to second all their efforts. They had an advantage which, when in opposition themselves, they would not allow their predecessors; they had not an opposition to quarrel with the principle of the war, and cavil against every supply required for its prosecution. They had an opposition it is true; but it was an opposition which endeavoured to stimulate them to activity and exertion, and which declared themselves ready to share in any unpopularity, which activity and exertion, properly applied, might occasion.

Yet with all these advantages what had they done, either to annoy the enemy, or to assist our allies who are fighting our battles and their own? They had disgusted the one, they had not injured the other.

He knew well how idle and proposterous it was to judge of measures merely from the event. It was not for men to command success; but was it too much to ask how they attempted to deserve it?

These were among the reasons which led him to oppose the amendment. He owned, whatever misconstructions he might be exposed to by the avowal, he should be inclined to follow the same course even if he entertained a much more partial opinion than he had of the systems and the conduct of his majesty's late ministers: because, looking no farther back than to the cause of their dismissal, to their condect through the whole of that transaction, and to the circumstances with which it had been connected, he could not view the possibility of their return to power, as a party professing the same principles and objects, to be obtained by the same means, without apprehending for the country mischiefs far more alarming, both in their nature and extent, than any that usually attended or followed a change of administration. But he had no such partialities to overcome, and he should give his hearty support to the address, in the confident hope that if his majesty's present ministers were generally supported by parliament, they might be able to do more, in the firm conviction they could not do less, for the country, than their prede

cessors.

YORKSHIRE ELECTION.

Sir, I have just seen the remarks of the writer who signs himself "one of lord Milton's (nearly) 9000 plumpers" inserted in your last, and beg to offer a few observations on them.

I admit, that on the 2d, 3d, and 4th days of the election, lord M. polled a greater number of votes than Mr. Lascelles, on the other seven days Mr. L. had the advantage, and thus at the close of the tenth day he had, I again assert, a de

cided majority over his lordship. There was, undoubtedly, an inaccuracy in the expression "during the first ten days" of which the writer has taken care to avail himself. With regard to the respectability of the voters, he wishes to know "whether a Leeds merchant be more respectable than a Leeds clothier, provided both be honest men, &c. &c." this seems to be very like the children's puzzle, "whether a pound of lead or a pound of feathers be heavier." The Clothiers, sir, as a body, are honest, industrious, plain dealing men, and in general contented and well disposed; so far they are truly respectable; but they bave, I contend, during the late election, been thoroughly metamorphosed. The "leprous distilment" be it what it might, if lord M's agents "accredited" and unaccredited, had too successfully been poured into the ears of those deluded people, the whole mass became infected; let any one examine the poll* books and reckon the number of "Clothiers" who voted for lord M. and then let them say to whom his lordship was indebted for his election. The question is, on what grounds did they vote? the writer is pleased to assert, that he firmly believes that "at least half those who voted for Mr. Lascelles were persuaded that lord Milton was a papist, &c." and I as firmly believe that this is as absurd an assertion as ever issued from the mouth of the pope himself; but even granting it to be partly true, there is still something of a political nature connected with the idea; something that acknowledges that connection which subsists between church and state. Now, this I maintain, Sir, was not the case with the clothiers; these men in general mind their own business, and nine out of ten of them, so far from being politicians, seldom see such a thing as a newspaper. How, then, would these "Miltoners" as they call themselves, have us believe that they have, in the course of a few weeks, become acquainted with the profound science of politics? have they acquired the art of looking, with a "Lynx's beam" into the abuses of government, and to shrink with horror at the corruption and the profligacy of ministers? what wonderful instructors must they have had, and what astonishing capacity of receiving instruction? Why sir, the Promethean art of stealing fire from heaven and infusing it into statues is nothing at all in comparison. But the fact is, it is no such thing. The clothiers voted for lord M. not that they loved him, but that they hated (however unjustly) Mr. Lascelles; and I solemnly aver, and believe, that if, instead of so profound a politician as my lord Milton must needs bo, the veriest booby of a country 'squire in the whole county had of fered himself in opposition to Mr. Lascelles, he would have been elected, so far as his election depended on the votes of the clothiers.

On the subject of obtaining votes, &c. the writer is quite in a passion, and like most men in a passion. betrays himself a little: "lord M's party dare and do assert, says he, that every one of Mr. L's votes were obtained by means to the full, as unconstitutional and unfair as lord M's;" so then, here is a very candid confession, that lord M's votes (some of them he means, no doubt) were obtained by unconstitutional, and unfair means. The circumstance of Mr. L's committee having appointed “a Man" at one of the gates of York, to seduce lord M's voters, is rather too absurd to be noticed. My lord M's committee no doubt kept no such odd fellows upon the look out. Of those voters who received notices that they would be deprived of their tenements, &c. unless they followed the directions sent them, I am not at liberty to mention their names, from reasons too obvious to be stated.

As to the "orators" and all the rest of the "hic et ubique" fellows belonging to them, the writer may get as much information as will satisfy any reasonable man, by applying at Head Quarters, Delph in Saddleworth, &c. &c.

You will, perceive, Mr. Editor the impossibility of answering all the truisms and untruisms of this ingenious writer; he seems to have jumbled his ideas together higgledy piggledy, and he brings them out as harlequin does things from his budget,

* In the divisions of Stratford and Tickhill, the writer exultingly says, lord M. had by far his largest majority, tho' not a clothier is to be found there. There is a good deal of modesty in this. Does this worthy gentleman suppose we are ignorant that the great weight of carl Fm and his Grace of Norfolk's influence laid in these divisions.

first a sugar plum for my lord, and then a blacking brush for any body that falls in his way. He finds great fault too that you seem so satisfied with the anonymous information you have received on this subject, and at the close of his own more accurate account, he, with genuine consistency, gives you neither "a local habitation nor a name;" this is quite characteristic of the party, ex pede hercules," &c. Surely Mr. Editor lord M. has little to thank these zealous abettors and defenders of his cause, for laudari a laudatis is undoubtedly the highest gratification a man can be flattered with; but if my lord M. can possibly derive any satisfaction from the praises and "good offices" of this description of his numerous friends, his lordship must certainly possess the faculty ascribed to the bee, that of extracting honey from poison.

Huddersfield, 1st July, 1807.

THEORY OF MONEY CONTINUED.-PART 2ND.

VERAX.

To show the true nature and properties of coins, and their connection with the first principle, or the standard unit.

If the existence of a standard unit, by which the relative value of all articles is ascertained, be allowed; then it will follow, that the coins, issued by the government of a country, pass in common circulation, in that country, only as simbols, or tokens of the standard unit, and not as the standards of value themselves; nor even according to their real value, but always, according to that proportion of the standard unit they are issued to represent. It is conceived, that this may very easily be proved, to be actually the case, with the coins that pass in common circulation in Great Britain. A guinea is issued to represent one and one-twentieth of the standard unit or pound sterling, and no doubt, when it is coined, a quantity of gold equal at the time to that value, is put into it; but, although particular circumstances should afterwards occur, by which the price of the lb. of gold in bullion, that is to say, the number of pounds sterling it is conceived equal to, is increased, or diminished, yet the value of the guinea will not be increased or diminished in proportion it always remains the same, a guinea will continue to represent one and onetwentieth of the pound sterling, so long as it is employed as the circulating medium of the country; at every new coinage, to be sure, the quantity of gold on each guinea is arranged, as exactly as possible, to the value of gold at the time, but, after they are once put into circulation, no alteration is ever made on the value they pass for. In like manner, a shilling is issued to represent the twentieth part of a pound sterling, and therefore, when coined the quantity of silver equal to that value is put into it; after it is once in circulation however, no farther attention is paid to the value of silver bullion, although the price of it should rise, or should fall, it is of no consequence, the shilling still continues to represent one-twentieth of the standard unit; indeed so little stress is laid on the real value, that it is a well known fact, that a great proportion of the pieces, which are employed in common circulation as shillings, do not contain more than one half of the silver, that a shilling ought to do, and many of them less; but that is of no consequence, they all pass at the same value, that is, each represents one twentieth of the pound sterling or standard unit. The copper coinage continues also fixed, at the same proportion of the unit, whatever variations may take place in the value of copper bullion; a very striking instance of this exists at the present; some years ago, Mr. Bolton, of Birmingham was employed by government, to make a coinage of penny and halfpenny pieces, which he did, and ssnt them into circulation at the rate of sixteen pence per lb. of copper, each- penny piece weighing an ounce; since that, the value of copper bullion has risen about 50 per cent, and the same gentleman having been lately employed to coin more penny and half-penny pieces, he was obliged to conform their size, to the price of the metal, at the time, and they were accordingly issued one third less; such of the old pieces however, as are yet in circulation, still continue to pass at the same value they were issued for, so that it is not an uncommon circumstance, to receive in one payment, two coins, representing the same proportion of the standard

unit, the intrinsic value of one of which is actually one third more, than that of the other. This alone is a most uucontorvertible evidence, that coins do not pass in this country according to their intrinsic value, that is according to the value of the metal in each, but merely according to the fixed relations they have to the standard unit; indeed, were it not so, an endless confusion would reign through all the intercourses of civilised society; were it possible that coins passed only at their value as bullion, the lowest shopkeeper or mechanic would not only have to be acquainted with the value of the article he had to sell, but, after he had fixed a price for it, he would require to be the master of the rise and fall in the price of bullion, so as to fix the exact value of the coins he had to receive. What an uncertainty would in consequence be attached to all mercantile transactions! at present, a dealer knows, that when he sells goods and receives the current coins in return, he is certain of passing these coins, to-morrow, at the same value he takes them to day; but, in the ather case, he would have to run the risk, of a rise or fall, in the value, not only of the article, he had to sell, but also of the coins he was to receive for it. This invariably however only holds whilst these coins continue in the country, by the govern ment of which they have been issued; when carried to another, they in general only pass at their value as bullion; the inconveniency of this was very sensibly felt in Holland, where the great proportion of the circulation was carried on by foreign coins, which only passed by weight, at their value as bullion; this was found to impede the course of business so much, that the bank of Amsterdam was established for the express purpose of putting an end to it, by substituting its paper, which, as simbols of the standard of the country, always bore an invariable value, the same inconvenience was felt at Hamburgh, and rectified in the same manner by the establishment of a public bank; both these banks receive these foreign coins at their exact value as bullion, and give in return credit in their books, for a certain proportion of the standard of the country; this may, at all times, be transferred from hand to hand, and always bears the same value. In other countries, where foreign coins are only partially introduced, they fluctuate in their value just as bullion does, but that value is always fixed by the standard unit of the country, they are passed in, and the tokens thereof. Spanish dollars are an example of this; they being a foreign coin, and representing no fixed proportion of the standard unit of Great Britain, when passed in this country, vary in their value, according to the rise or fall in the value of silver bullion; but, their value is always ascertained by the quan tity of silver and copper coins for which they will pass, and, when it is said, that dollars are worth four shillings and sixpence, or four shillings and ninepence, each, their value is immediately known, it is never asked, what is the present value of silver or copper bullion, that the present value of shillings or pence may be as certained.

A coin may therefore be defined, to be "a simbol or token issued by the government of a country, to represent a certain fixed proportion of the standard unit of that country, and which proportion it continues to represent so long as it is employed as a circulating medium in that country." From this it will be seen that one striking property of coins, is their "invariability;" this invariability would appear, at first glance, to be completely in favour of those writers, who argue that coins are the standard of value; and yet this very circumstance has cost them more trouble, and been the cause of more confusion than any other; not understanding the nature of coins, they were unable to discriminate betwixt metals employed, as bullion forming an article of commerce, and as coins forming the circulating medium of a country. Gold, silver, and copper in bullion, are dayly bought and sold, as articles of commerce, and as such, fluctuate in their value, like all other articles of commerce, but, whenever they are made into coins, and employed as thè circulating medium of a country, they assume a new character; as representing a certain proportion of the standard unit of that country, they become fixed and invariable in their value, and continue so as long as they are so employed; not aware of this, these writers, at the very time, they laboured to establish one or other of these metals, as the invariable standard of value, constantly confounded their variability as bullion, with their invariability as coins, and thus launched themselves and their readers in difficulties hitherinextricable. It must be evident that the invariability of coin, depends entirely up