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THE

AMERICAN · REVIEW.

No. LXXVIII

FOR JUNE, 1851.

A REVIEW OF THE LIFE AND TIMES

OF

WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD.

PART TWO.

privateers swept the ocean from one end to the other; our sailors were violently seized and impressed; our merchandise was ruthlessly confiscated. No quarter was shown by either of the belligerents, and no exceptions were made in any instance, or under any circumstances. Embargoes were raised only to subject our vessels to pillage, and restrictions modified only to benefit enemies and robbers. The Berlin and Milan decrees were still rigorously enforced, to our dishonor and injury, and British orders in Council still remained in full effect, notwithstanding our protestations and threats.

THE Bank excitement in the Senate was soon succeeded by the thrilling scenes which preceded the declaration of war against Great Britain. It was well known that, however widely Crawford might differ from the body of the Republican party on questions of domestic policy, on the subject of declaring war he was with them heart and hand, and even zealous for an immediate resort to direct hostilities. He had given his voice for war since the time when the Chesapeake had been so wantonly outraged by the Leopard; and now, that repeated injuries to American commerce at the hands of British subjects had followed that first Such was the complexion of our intercourse insolent invasion of our national rights, he with Europe when the session of 1811-12 did not hesitate to declare that further post- was opened. It had progressed until April ponement of hostilities would bring dishonor of the latter year, when the Vice President, to the American name and nation. The | George Clinton, died. In consequence of timid and dallying policy of the Adminis- this melancholy and sudden event, the chair tration was not in accordance with his bold of the Senate became vacant. An election and energetic nature. Negotiations had been prolonged from year to year, while both England and France were daily preying on American commerce. Pirates and

VOL. VII. NO. VI. NEW SERIES.

for President pro tempore was held, and Crawford was unanimously chosen. His elevation, however gratifying, withdrew from the active sphere of senatorial duties one 31

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of the most zealous and powerful advocates ed general admiration, and his rapidly infor the war. He however discharged the creasing popularity induced Mr. Madison to delicate functions of this high office with an invite him to become a member of his ability, impartiality, and promptness that Cabinet. He was offered the important won golden opinions from all parties, and post of Secretary of War, and earnestly that materially expedited the now compli- solicited to accept. After mature reflection cated business of the chamber. But his and consultation, he decided to remain in abstraction from the floor did not operate to the Senate. This act we feel bound to conweaken his deep interest in the war ques- demn. In view of approaching hostilities tion. His vote will be found recorded in with England, and consequent disruption of favor of every measure which looked to nearly all foreign intercourse, the Departpreparation for an event that was now ment of War was to become the principal deemed inevitable; and when, at length, and most interesting arm of the Governtowards the beginning of summer, test ques- ment; especially when it is considered that tions began to be taken almost every day, the President himself was not peculiarly the name of Crawford stands conspicuously gifted with those qualities which constitute in the affirmative on each occasion. The an energetic and successful war officer. Infinal act, as is well known, having passed deed, the event showed that Mr. Madison both houses early in June, was approved and was wholly deficient in this respect, and, published on the 18th of the month; and therefore, eminently in want of a counsellor Congress, after voting full supplies to meet like Crawford. We hesitate not to declare the interesting exigency, soon afterwards the opinion, that if Crawford, instead of the adjourned. then incumbent, had been in charge of the War Department, a British force would never have crossed the boundaries of the District, and Washington would not have been pillaged and burned by the invaders. It is now generally conceded by military men that the battle of Bladensburg was lost to the Americans in consequence of bad management; and it is even a question whether a more energetic Government would not have been able to prevent the expedition and landing of Admiral Cockburn altogether. We do not mean to say that Mr. Madison was not an able and efficient executive officer, in the discharge of his general duties. As a civilian we regard him as standing pre-eminent among all his compeers. But we do mean to say that he was totally unacquainted with the practical rules of the military art, and most singularly Crawford's reputation, at this time, had deficient in natural endowments as concerns become equal to that of any statesman in the qualities of a war officer. No one, we the Republic. He had been not more than imagine, better knew of these deficiencies five years a member of Congress, and only than Crawford. He was high in the coneight years in public life. A comparatively fidence of the President, and was often short period had but elapsed since he had advised with by members of the Cabinet. been an humble and obscure pedagogue. He was quite too sagacious not to have Yet his fame was now spread through the found out that they were all entirely unwhole land, and the public voice ranked learned in military affairs, and accomplished him among the greatest of the nation. The only in the civil routine of statesmanship. eyes of the people turned to him with con- Mr. Monroe, it is true, had seen some active fidence, as the erisis approached which all service, but it is no disparagement to say of dreaded. His energy of character, bold- him, that he had never discovered any extraness, and known business qualifications elicit-ordinary qualifications as an officer, beyond

It is not within the purposes of this article to pursue further allusion to the events of this memorable war. This is more properly the province of some future historian, whose labors shall be directed to that subject. We will barely say, that the history of that period remains to be written. Those who have essayed to do so, thus far, have been strangely ignorant or culpably negligent, if we are to judge their talent or their industry by the fruits of their attempts. There are points involved which claim the deepest interest, apart from the shock and thunder of battle-fields and of hostile navies, but which have received scarcely a passing notice at the hands of the penny-picking hordes and demagogue adventurers who have heretofore thrust their puny efforts on the reading public.

the possession of unquestioned personal courage; and this is not to be denied either to Mr. Madison or to his Cabinet. Besides, a long and successful diplomatic career had doubtless contributed to unfit the then Secretary of State for the prompt and energetic service of military life. The diplomatist and the commander are antipodes in character. The kind of study which makes the first is precisely that which is calculated to unmake the last. The one must study how to dally, to delay, to mystify language, to misinterpret expressions, to avoid direct issues, and, sometimes, to feign irresolution. It is true that the ancient mode of warfare was formed somewhat on the same basis; but modern warriors, Frederick the Great, Bonaparte, Wellington, Jackson, have proven that the opposite of all these qualities are the true characteristics of an accomplished commander. It may happen, as to some extent in the case of Napoleon, that the diplomatist and the captain may be united in one person; but it is certain that they were not united in the person of Mr. Monroe, although he was one of the most useful and distinguished executive officers ever known to the country. But Crawford, while having never received a military education, was eminently prepared to manage the War Department at a time when energy, decision, and bold qualities of mind and of character were so imperatively needed. Rapidity of thought was a chief trait in his mental structure, and immediate action followed. He possessed great enterprise, great prescience, and great resources of mind, while passion and enthusiasm were strangely blended with calmness and deliberation. None, in fact, who have studied and compared human character, will fail to perceive that his prominent traits of character were the very same as those which distinguished the elder William Pitt. The Department of War, then, was the office for which he was, at that juncture of affairs, particularly fitted; and having been so early, unwavering, and conspicuous an advocate for the declaration of war against Great Britain, there was resting on him, we think, a very heavy obligation to accept and enter upon the duties of the office which was tendered to him by the President. He chose to decide differently, and justice to his known disinterestedness of character requires us to believe that his refusal was induced by some

strong personal reasons which have not been declared.

In the spring of 1813 Crawford was appointed Minister to the Court of France, in the room of Joel Barlow, who had died just a few months previously, whilst in the active discharge of the important duties of his mission. Our relations with his Imperial Majesty, at this time, were most delicately and singularly involved, and their conduct required the aid of just such a person as Crawford. There was no subtle diplomacy to be resorted to in their management, but a bold demand to be made for redress of past injuries, and an explanation asked of an act which betokened bad faith. The spoliations on American commerce and the sequestration of American property, which followed on the Berlin and Milan decrees, had begun to be most severely felt by all classes of our citizens, and a spirit of resentment was becoming rife throughout the whole land. In proportion to the delay of Congress to pass measures which looked to direct hostility with England, did Bonaparte increase the rigorous execution of these harsh decrees. He had resolved, from the first, that our Government should choose between France and England. Knowing that the British Ministry were pursuing a policy towards the United States which must inevitably lead to a war, he directed his whole efforts to precipitate that event. To this end, while sternly enforcing the Berlin and Milan decrees against us, he never failed to intimate, at the same time, that those decrees would be relaxed the moment that our Government took the initiative steps to hostilities with England. Indeed, he assured the American Minister that his course was the consequence alone of British insolence, which last being manifested as well to the United States as to France, he was resolved to make no exception in our favor until our Government prepared to resent the orders in Council; further declaring that the decrees were to be suspended so soon as we should procure a revocation of the British orders. These pretended friendly advances, made at a time when, in addition to the evils we were suffering in consequence of suspended commerce, our seamen were being daily impressed into the British service, were received with marked favor by the American Government and nation, notwithstanding that every one saw clearly the self

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