man to his fellow-men, which are shown to cultivation on the poorer ones. "With each tend to the establishment of equality wher-step in the progress of concentration, his ever peace is maintained, and wealth and physical condition would improve because population are allowed to grow; and to ine- he would cultivate more fertile lands, and quality, with every step in the progress of war and devastation. Man himself next appears on the scene. Mr. Malthus, Mr. Ricardo, and all others of the English school, represent him as the slave of his necessities, working because he fears starvation. Mr. Carey, on the contrary, shows him to be animated by hope, and improving in all his moral qualities, precisely as by the growth of wealth and populationthe results of peace-he is enabled to clear and cultivate the rich soils of the earth. Thence we pass to the relations of man and his helpmate, which are shown to improve precisely as do those of man to his fellow-man, as the rich soils are brought into cultivation. Man and his family follow, and the same improvement, under the same circumstances, is shown to take place in the relations of parent and child. Concentration, or the habit of local selfgovernment, so strikingly illustrated in NewEngland, is next examined in contrast with centralization, as exhibited in England and France, and its admirable effects in tending to the maintenance of peace are fully exhibited. The various systems of colonization next pass in review, and give occasion for an examination of the various causes that brought negro slavery into this country, and the reasons why it is here alone that the race has increased in numbers. India and Ireland, and the devastating effects of the colonial system, Annexation, and Civilization furnish the materials for the succeeding chapters, and give occasion-the last particularly for the expression of opinions much at variance with those taught by Guizot and others of the most distinguished men of our day. Such are the Past and Present. The closing chapter is the Future, and contains an examination of many remarkable facts now presented to our view by our own country, produced by the existence of the unnatural system fastened upon the world by England, and to be remedied by the adoption of an American policy, having for its object that of enabling men to live togther and combine their exertions, instead of flying from each other, leaving behind rich lands uncultivated, and going to Texas or Oregon to begin the work of obtain increased power over the treasures of the earth. His moral condition would improve, because he would have greater inducements to steady and regular labor, and the reward of good conduct would. steadily increase. His intellectual condition would improve, because he would have more leisure for study, and more power to mix with his fellow-men at home or abroad; to learn what they knew, and to see what they possessed; while the reward of talent would steadily increase, and that of mere brute wealth would steadily decline. His political condition would improve, because he would acquire an increased power over the application of his labor and of its proceeds. He would be less governed, better governed, and more cheaply governed, and all because more perfectly self-governed." The field surveyed by Mr. Carey in the Past and Present is a broad one-broader than that of any other book of our timefor it discusses every interest of man. The ideas are original-whether true or not, they are both new and bold. They are based upon a great law of Nature, and it is the first time that any system of political economy has been offered to the world that was so based. The consequence is, that all the facts place themselves, as completely as did the planets when Copernicus had satisfied himself that the earth revolved around the sun.* More recently, in his Harmony of Interests, Mr. Carey has published a full examination of the great question of commercial policy, with a view to show that protection, as it exists in this country, is the true and only road to free trade. He has brought to the illustration of this important doctrine a mass of facts, greater, probably, than was ever before displayed in support of any position in political economy. It commences with an examination of our whole commercial policy for the last thirty years, and shows the effect of protection in increasing the sum of production and consumption, the means of transportation, internal and exter we perceive that it has recently been translated into Swedish, and published at Stockholm. *This work has been much read abroad, and nal, and the influx of population from abroad, tions, leaving the latter to make their own always an evidence of the increased produc- terms with their customers, and to assume tiveness of labor. In this work it is shown limited or unlimited liability, as they themconclusively, that shipping grows with pro- selves may think most expedient. In a detection, because protection tends to promote tailed review of the operations of several of immigration, or the import of men, the most the principal nations, and of all the States yaluable of commodities, and thus to di- of this Union, it is shown that the tendency minish the cost of sending to market the to steadiness in the quantity, and uniformity less valuable ones, grain, tobacco, and cotton. in the quality, of currency, is in the exact The question is examined in every point of ratio of freedom, while with every increase view-material, moral, intellectual, and po- in the number or extent of restrictions, litical; and the result arrived at is," that be- steadiness diminishes, and insecurity increastween the interests of the treasury and the es. The views contained in this work are people, the farmer, planter, manufacturer, and now adopted by some of the most eminent merchant, the great and little trader and the writers in France. They constitute the basis ship-owner, the slave and his master, the of a recent and excellent work* by M. Coqueland-owners and laborers of the Union and lin, who quotes largely from that of Mr. the world, the free-trader and the advocate Carey, declaring that our countryman has, of protection, there is perfect harmony of "in the investigation of causes and effects, interests, and that the way to the establish- succeeded better than the English inquirment of universal peace and universal free ers," and had, as early as 1838, "clearly trade, is to be found in the adoption of shown the primary causes of the perturbameasures tending to the destruction of the tions recurring almost periodically in commonopoly of machinery, and the location of merce and currency."t the loom and the anvil in the vicinity of the plough and the harrow." The portrait of Mr. Carey, accompanying this article, is from a crayon sketch by Mr. Collyer, and is, in every respect, one of the best likenesses we have presented in this Magazine. It is excellently copied by Mr. Buet. In addition to the works I have named, Mr. Carey has published two others, on the Currency-the larger of which is entitled Credit System in France, England, and the United States. Their object is to show, that there is a very simple law which lies at the root of the whole currency question, and that by its aid, the revulsions so frequently experienced may be perfectly accounted for. That law is perfect freedom of trade in ait money, whether by individuals or associa-mistes. *Du Credit et des Banques, Paris, 1848. publies sur le credit.-Journal des EconoUn des plus beaux ouvrages assurément qu'on MISCELLANY. OUR STEAM NAVY.-The following important communication was handed to us by a gentleman whose long experience as a commander in the naval service of Great Britain and of the East India Company, entitles his views to the highest respect. The opinions he expresses we are obliged, not only for consistency, but from a settled conviction of their truth, to sustain in full. For the same reason that we gave our support to Mr. Whitney's plan of a Pacific Railroad, we give it to the plan of our correspondent. In a succeeding number we hope to lay before our readers a communication from the same experienced source, on the naval resources of the United States as regards steam-ships. It is a very common error to suppose that the steam-recommendation. In the first place, the expense vessels built at private yards in New-York can be immediately converted into vessels of war, like the steam-ships of the Cunard line. We are prepared to show that this is a grave delusion, which may lead upon occasion to fatal consequences. | no inducement for the Government officer to go out of the beaten track as long as his pay is continued to him monthly. He goes jogging on in the old style; but place the same man in the position, either to improve his work and system or lose his fied" Necessity is the mother of invention." He occupation, and you will find the old adage veriwill turn his attention forthwith to the most likely course to keep his time and capital continually on the stretch, so as to produce him the greatest amount of return. This he is obliged to study, as there are others who will outstrip him in the race if he does not exert his utmost care and attention; and it is thus that the greatest proficiency is to be at To the Editor of the American Whig Review: SIR-In perusing the Report from the Bureau of Construction, Equipment, &c., contained in the New York Herald of the 21st instant, I was much surprised to find that the knowledge so dearly bought by experience here and elsewhere has had no effect upon the authorities in this department. It is a well-determined fact, from the experience of the past, that all Government work is worse done, and more expensive, than that which is open to the competition of the whole country. The specimens of naval architecture turned out of the Government yards will not compare with some turned out of private yards, either for speed or economy. The late attempts of Government men in England, where they have had every opportunity and inducement to remove the "prestige" against them, has proved the inefficiency of the system. Some of the most abortive attempts have been made at a vast cost of treasure, producing the most useless craft that can be found afloat, while some of the most efficient and beautiful vessels for war purposes that have ever been launched were constructed in private yards. There is no inducement from increased emoluments or business, arising from superior attainments in work or model; no rivalry or cause for emulation. "The models already made have satified the Government; why then should we alter them?" There is tained. The Report above alluded to recommends, "that the public yards be supplied with the engines for naval purposes." Let us consider this necessary apparatus for the construction of steam will be enormous. I do not know the cost of the Washington yard, but it must have been very great, as all enterprises managed directly by the agents of Government have ever been, and will be, until the end of time. An outlay like it, being added to each naval yard, will greatly increase the burden on the treasury, and to what end? We have in commission "seven steam-ships; repairing and equipping, five; on the stocks and constructing, one." (New-York Herald, 27th Dec., 1850.) For this existing force the Washington yard must be sufficient. The number of vessels is at present small, but the necessary increase in this department of the national strength will soon be such as to put it in a position to vie with all other powers. Since the actual necessity of looking to this branch of the service has been impressed on the Government, rapid progress has been made in the right direction; and ere long the steam navy of the United States must become sufficient for the defence of our immense coast line, and to punish aggression abroad, should necessity arise for such a course. Our private foundries are sufficient for the manufacture of machines for almost any number of steam-ships that may be required, without establishing an expensive Government monopoly. If they are not, they will easily and rapidly increase when the necessity for them arises, for depend on it, our enterprising citizens will not allow any such opportunity to escape their vigilance, and we have seen during the present year a most ex. traordinary increase in the production of steamengines from our foundries-an increase, indeed, scarcely credible. At the present time there is to be seen on the banks, and at the wharves of the East River, a sight such as no other port in the world can offer, and which gives an astounding idea of the enterprise and power of the United States You may there see together thirteen ocean steamers, (all new,) of large size, advancing rapidly to completion. These are Tons. The Humboldt, Havre packet, about - 2700 Brother Jonathan, for Pacific, Golden Gate, Pacific Co. La Fayette, Havre line, 1400 1400 1200 800 able for marine purposes; the development of which would be exceedingly improbable while pursuing the one object of marine engines only. The reason alleged for the recommendation of the Bureau is, the great delay that has arisen in the manufacture of engines in the several foundries. To whom is the blame of this delay to be attached? To the parties who entertain the contract, for if they do their duty strictly and impartially, there can be no delay without its appropriate penalty; and if the penalty be duly enforced, there will be no delay. If the penalty be merely a matter of form, why put it in at all? If it is not to be enforced leave it out altogether, and leave the parties to take their own time to Large Propeller, for Philadelphia and Liverpool. complete their work; it will be no worse than A Steamer, for Charleston line. It is reasonable to think that the present excess of demand for steam communication cannot last long; like all other rages, it will have its day, and will be followed by a stagnation in that particular branch of manufacture. What then will become of our machinists? When the fever abates there will be a state of inanition; and then would be the time for the application of the remedy, in employing the machine shops for the work of the Federal Government, and for the good of the large masses of citizens who will otherwise be thrown out of work just at the time they have attained the greatest experience and skill. Such a body of men as now exists, (gathered from among the skilful of all nations,) being once scattered and otherwise occupied, it will be a difficult matter to collect again; and even should it be possible, they will have lost that efficiency which arises from constant practice, and which that alone can give. It is true, a portion of them would find work in the Government yards; but why should the State be put to the expense of the yards, when the private ones are all ready for the work required? The yard at Washington being already in existence, if it is efficient as it should be, it must be equal to the present wants of the Government. The repairs of existing steam-vessels would be the principal work allotted to it, and it will soon find quite sufficient occupation for a small establishment in that line. One principal reason why private enterprise is more desirable than a Government establishment, is the constant call upon it for various styles and descriptions of machines for numerous purposes, in the construction of which many great improvements are suggested, perfected, and made avail * As I give these lists from memory only, there may be two or three left out. These are independent of any on the North River. now. I trust that having shown that the machine shops of New-York alone are sufficient for the purposes of supplying steam-engines, independently of foundries and manufactories in other States, of which there are a great many, it will lead to a full and perfect examination of the policy and necessity of such a system as that of making a great Government monopoly at so great an outlay as it will require of the public funds. Let our machinists in private foundries benefit legitimately by the wants of the Government, and at the same time let the Government reap the advantage and benefit accruing from the united skill and experience of our land and marine engine mechanics. New-York, Dec. 28th, 1850. F. P. WEBB. "THE PILGRIM FATHERS."--Perhaps there is not in American history an event more memorable, or one more calculated to revive a national spirit among Americans, should that spirit occasionally fade, than the landing of the crew of the Mayand its consequences has been served up in too flower at Plymouth. The history of that event many styles, at too many public dinners, to render fragments of it warmed up here at all delectable to the palate of our readers. But nevertheless it will be acknowledged that the celebration of the Pilgrim landing is about the last occasion which should be used by men of intellect or citizenship, or which could be used by men of decency or taste, for the exhibition of national flunkey ism, or the glorification of the power that with fire and sword drove the Pilgrims from their homes.* Nevertheless, at a recent dinner given in this city by the New-England Society, some scenes occurred of so remarkable a character, we feel compelled to notice them briefly. Moses H. Grinnell occupied the chair. "On his right," we are told, appropriately sat Mr. Webster, who came on from Washington to be present at Was any festival instituted by the Prophets for the glorification of the Pharaoh? Or were those who hankered after the flesh-pots (the free-traders of those days) permitted to give three times three at the Passover for the reigning Pharaoh? If we celebrate our fathers, should we not celebrate the spirit? A prayer for England, begging that the hearts of kings might be set right, and that God would avenge his starving people, would have been appropriate. this dinner; and, singular enough to relate, there came on too an honorable individual whose whole diplomatic dexterity seems to be employed in keeping on the heels of Mr. Webster, and crushing himself into every society where that gentleman appears Into the same conveyance which brought Mr. Webster from the capital, Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer had got himself conveyed, and he squatted himself down at the Pilgrim dinner!! opposite the former. There were also present, too, Mr. G. P. R. James, (owner of two imaginary horsemen, and author of “a story without a name," &c.,) flanked by others not celebrated for Americanism. We pass over the early toasts. The first speaker was a reverend person, who indulged largely in praises of the Bible and other matters of a less sacred character, from which we extract a little. Having produced an old Bible, and handed it about in the order of brandy, wine, Word of God, and cigars, he gave its history in this fashion:- "Let us, then, hold to our ideal, and hold it up to the sight of all men- -(here he held up the old Bible) and demand that everything shall be squared by the law of God. This Bible belongs to Mr. J. Coles of this city, who preserved it safe during his stay in Georgia, and brought it back to New-York." Showing that "Mr. J. Coles" is like the King of France, celebrated in an everlasting doggrel for marching up a declivity with a large army, and performing the memorable feat of marching down again, with the same all safe and right side up. The peculiar duties of the clerical order, and of course of himself, were thus shown by the reverend gentleman: "The clergy were the lungs of the country, and their business was to bring the people into contact with the pure air of God." Had the reverend speaker claimed the honor of the brains, instead of the lungs, his comparison would have been more acceptable to his own order; though it must be confessed, if on that occasion he rightly represented them, we are ready to concede him the comparison. An effigy of the Mayflower, made of sugar and isinglass, lay on a clean plate on the table, and to this the orators in turn most solemnly addressed themselves. Streams of affection, and a flow of outpoured rhapsody deluged the little sugar bark. Among others Mr. Webster and Sir H. L. Bulwer addressed the guests. Mr. Webster said: "We know that we are Americans. (Vociferous applause.) It is as Americans that we are known all over the world. Who asks what State a citizen of the United States is from, in Europe. Africa, or Asia? * * * Now there was a day when the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and S- -n came also among them. And the Lord said unto S- -n, Whence comest thou? Then S-n answered the Lord and said, From going to and fro in the earth, and from walking up thou considered my servant J-b, that there is none like him in the earth, a perfect and an upright man, one that feareth God, and escheweth evil? and down in it. And the Lord said unto Sn, Hast Then Sn answered the Lord and said, Doth J-b fear God for nought? &c. &c. Is he an American-does he belong to the flag of the country-does it protect him-is he under the protection of the eagle and the stars and stripes? If he is, all other conditions are regarded as subordinate and not worthy of mention. Let it be our duty to cherish this American principle-to spread it over the whole continent to carry out English principles. I mean, sir, (addressing Sir Henry Bulwer, the British Minister,) the AngloSaxon American principle (loud laughter, in which Sir Henry Bulwer joined) over this whole continent—the great principles of Magna Charta-the principles of the American Revolution-the English language, so that our children may recite Shakspeare and Milton on the shores of the Pacific. Before that, our American ideas, which, in the main, are English ideas, will penetrate Mexico."* Our opinion of Mr. Webster is too high to permit us to believe that he, as an American, seriously identified the spirit of the Norman monarchy with that of the American Republic, or that he seriously desires to see English principles," by whatever name they be called, extended over this continent. The supposition of its possibility,--the necessity of making this wretched explanation, calls into our face a blush of shame, and a sickening sense of disgrace. Surely, surely it was the complimentary spirit of the occasion, and nothing else, that brought forth such expressions. We have been advised that in the conduct of a public journal or a Review, a single injurious expression, or that has not the right spirit, will undo the work of years. How much more then of the first of public men. Ought not the head of this mighty people, (we say head, as it is the popular belief that the government centres in him,) ought not the head of this grand Republic carry himself with the demeanor of the mightiest representative of men,--with the consciousness of twenty millions of freemen at his back,--who, if he but evince the spirit and give the word, will make him their leader, but whose eyes are now blinded to his surpassing genius and unequalled fame, by the intervention of a polished opacity, from whose diplomatic buttons the glory and the power of Great Britain flash into their eyes, and not the glory of Daniel Webster, or of the nation whom he represents? Nor are this American people wholly of English descent. Not one fourth of them have English blood in their veins, and not one tenth of them but would feel injured by having attributed to them English principles, or principles identified with these. If we have been, or are ruled by English principles, or their like, the Declaration of Independence was a farce, and the War of Independence an extravagant folly. On English principles some of our best Republicans should be hanged forthwith;--it is better to let these gentlemen know at once where they are. The affable and flattering Mr. Bulwer rose to speak after Mr. Webster. The complimentary words bestowed on himself and his government and its principles were of course assumed as literally true, and fully appreciated. A toast was * Herald. |