and are likely to be constituted, he would secure his new constitution against their combined jealousy?

We would, in our concluding remarks, request the attention of our readers to the line of argument we have been pursuing and the inference to be drawn from it. We have described the condition of parties and endeavoured to indicate, by particular and general reasoning, the relative moral strength of each. We have also attempted to explain, how the Whigs are the strongest by their moral and political position, and how the Conservatives or Conformers seem out of their proper place in directing the government of the Country through a course of liberal measures. We have shewn how the Radicals are disqualified for supreme power by their desire to avail themselves of it for the destruction, rather than the renovation of the Institutions. Moreover we have pointed to the only ground of confidence in the duration of these Institutions, namely, that the Aristocracy will rally round them for their preservation, and prove themselves worthy of such a task by their liberality and their enlightened spirit. We have also not hesitated to express our belief, that unless they consent, without loss of time, to sympathize more with the age, in which they live, the theorists will have the best, not only of the argument, but also of the spoil. We have touched reluctantly on the position of the House of Lords, for a humble expostulation might be easily construed into a desire of intimidating, which we leave, by preference, to others.

From our observations, we should be glad, if others, could deduce the same conclusion as ourselves have done, that this country is so far from being on the road to ruin, that she is manifestly on the way to greater political prosperity, than she has enjoyed for some time. The most corrupt of her Institutions the aristocracy-overburthened House of Commonshaving been cleansed of its inherent corruptness by "an "infusion of new blood into the veins" without having previously passed through the hands of an empirick and the ordeal of a revolution, has afforded us a just ground for expecting, that lesser evils will be cured in the same manner. We have also adverted to the Aristocratic regard of Englishmen for their existing Constitution, as evidence of the difficulty,

which the Radicals must overcome, before they can graft their theories upon the affections of the people, or engage the wise and discriminating in their service. From these we have moreover inferred, that the honest Statesman is likely to be the most practically beneficial, and eminently successful. It now therefore only remains for us, to offer some observations on collateral topics, before we conclude this article, and leave our readers to determine, if we have redeemed our pledge of impartiality.

There is a little knot of Whig-Tories or Tory-Whigs, following, as they suppose, the track of Lord Stanley in a course, which has disappointed his friends, and fixed him, where his early habits can be of little service to him. Incautious, he is among the wary, vehement, he sits with the cold, ardent in the cause of religion, he is in the midst of those, who used religious preferment as an incentive of secular intermeddling, and have even offered it as the reward of political tergiversation. Whatever may be the appropriate situation for his followers, he is manifestly out of his place. Those, who aspire to mount with a rocket, must not be surprised, if they are occasionally disappointed. But his talents ought to soar above contemptible personalities; revenge should belong only to meaner capacities, and he should recollect that it is not the error of youth, but the obstinacy of mature age, which depresses an energetic mind below its natural level. His opportunity of leading a party has probably passed by him. But are the liberal principles, that he has advocated with such animated eloquence, entirely forgotten? Or has he, with the mysterious reasonings of genius, proved to himself, that Conformity and Liberality are identical? Has he discovered the superior claim to sympathy, possessed by necessity over choice? But we do not regret, that he has sat awhile among the Conservatives, for he has the opportunity of knowing them. If we have neglected to touch upon the parties of Saints, Agriculturists, and also of those, who build the political salvation of the country on paper-money, it has been from the want of discovering their claims to separate attention. Each of them is connected with, and may be said to be merged in, a larger and more powerful party than itself. Each also

appears to us equally unreasonable in its demand and its expectation. It is our belief, that the House of Commons will not consent to shut up the Clubs on Sundays, before the manufacturers shall petition for a high price of corn, and the merchants for paper currency. Why should they? The enthusiasm of the religious, the gain of the impoverished, and the visions of the interested must yield to the good of the community.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

LONDON:

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SECOND VOLUME OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW;

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EUROPEAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL.

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