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worthy city magnates, were sent to remonstrate with the Queen. The Emperor and the Dutch instructed their envoys to state their views on the domestic politics of England. Anne might fairly consider that this was only a confession of their selfishness and weakness, and that to dictation so ill-timed and so unconstitutional she need pay little heed. Both to the city magnates, anxious about their stock, and to the allies, anxious lest English troops should be withdrawn from fighting for their interests, evasive replies were returned.

In August, just on the eve of Swift's arrival, still more decided steps were taken. Parliament was to be dissolved and the verdict of the country asked: and meanwhile, Godolphin was desired to break his staff. Privy Council, and was named The change was already wrought.

Harley was brought into the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

CHAPTER VIII.

SWIFT AND THE NEW MINISTRY.

September, 1710-May, 1711.

ÆTAT. 43.

Swift's advent in the "new world "-His own records of his conduct-His mission for the Irish Church-Breach with the Whigs deferred-The last of his Tatlers-Description of a city shower-Overtures from the Tories-Two Invitations for one day—Meeting with Harley-Takes service with the new Ministry-The election-Sid Hamet's Rod-Swift's mission for the Irish Church more hopeful-Coldness of Whig friends-Addison and Steele— The Examiner-Weak points in the ministerial position-Marlborough— The monied class-The October Club-Swift's defence of the Ministry— Appeal to the people-Attacks on Marlborough and Wharton-Piece-meal toleration-Defence of the landed aristocracy against the monied class— Influence of the Examiner-Opening of Parliament and Convocation-A white-letter day for Tory and High Churchman-Position of the Ministry -The inner cabinet and Swift-His new circle of friends-Stumblingblocks in the way-The attempt of Guiscard, and its results-A new lease of power for Harley.

WITH Swift's advent on the "new world" which the changes of the last few months had brought about, a new scene in his life opens. It is now we have to bring to the test the charges against him of selfish and dishonest inconsistency.

There is at least no excuse for misrepresentation. From the moment of his landing in England down to his quitting it, in June, 1713, we have in the so-called "Journal" a record of unexampled minuteness and fidelity, in which Swift poured out, for the beloof of Esther Johnson, every passing idea that was borne in upon him from the scenes in which he took part, and the men with whom he associated. He tells us in that Journal more than mere opinions: he gives us a picture of the whims

and fancies, and prejudices, that lie at the root of opinion, and shew far more of a man's character than we can learn from any formal expression of his political creed. In the confidences meant only for an eye that would interpret them with leniency, and to whom his very caprices would have a special meaning, we can read the character of the man, and can see not only that he was honestly attached to the new ministry, but that he could not honestly have continued his allegiance to the Whigs.

He came over, at first, with very little idea either of the new position he was to take up, or of the part he was to play. He had thrown out, as we have seen, a casual expression of the hope that, failing other help, the new powers might give him some countenance. But he did not yet despair of accomplishing his mission on behalf of the Irish Church through his Whig friends. He had been bitterly irritated by his previous failure, in the spring of 1709: but now he came, with a definite commission from the Irish Bench, that joined him with the Bishops of Ossory and Killaloe, as representative of the Irish Church. The whole amount of the remission asked for from all the sources, amounted to no more than £3,000 a year: but, small as it was, it meant something to a Church whose fabrics. were fast disappearing by the devastations of time and of civil war; where glebe houses were an exception, and where halfa-dozen livings had to be grouped together, to produce a pittance for the incumbent or a congregation for the church. It was now feared that any hopes of the grant were likely to be extinguished by the ill-will that Wharton felt for the thwarting

So little truth is there in the notion that Swift came over "burning for revenge on the Whigs." Yet even Scott, favourable as he is willing to be to Swift, makes himself responsible for this idea, by allowing it to appear in the prefatory note to the Examiner, (III., 259). Neither this note, indeed, nor many others in the edition, can

be fairly ascribed to Scott himself: and it is one of the great defects of his edition that the volumes are annotated by various hands, and often on inconsistent principles. It is necessary to point out, however, how completely the remark misrepresents Swift's relation to the Whigs when he came over at this time.

of his test-abolition policy by Parliament and Convocation. The two bishops had hitherto been pressing the cause, but with so little zeal that, on Swift's arrival in London, he found they had already left.

To this task he now set himself, with little hope of success and with little liking for the instruments with which he had to work. "He never went to England," so he wrote to Stella, "with so little desire in his life." Let his commission succeed or not, he would stay only to finish it. The Whigs received him with open arms. "The Whigs were ravished to see me,' he writes," and would lay hold on me as a twig while they are drowning." At first there is no sign that the breach between himself and them is irreparable. His letters are addressed to the care of Steele, who, though an ardent Whig, had not yet lost his government appointment. His associates in the early weeks were all prominent WhigsAddison, Steele, Garth,† Congreve, and Halifax. He continues for a time even to write for the Tatler, in which he had

Sept. 9, 1710.

+ Dr. (afterwards) Sir Samuel Garth, the author of the Dispensary, one of those against whom we shall afterwards find Swift bringing a charge of encouraging a riot on Queen Elizabeth's birthday. See chap. IX.

About Swift's earlier contributions to the Tatler some doubt exists. Drake (Essays on Tatler and Spectator, vol. III.) assigns almost the same pieces to Swift as are admitted by Scott, save that the latter prints as Swift's, in addition, a part of No. 74, referring to the Table of Fame, which bears many marks of Swift's style, and No. 81, which is almost certainly not his. The other pieces assigned to him, both by Scott and by Drake, are: in No. 9, the verses on a Morning in Town; No. 32, On Madonella, a female précieuse, almost certainly not

by Swift along with a letter from Tobiah Greenhat, in No. 63, on a College for damsels, which is also unlikely to be his : No. 35, a short letter on the Family of Ix, which is probably by Dartiquenave: No. 59, a short letter from Obadiah Greenhat, ridiculing an Irish bull which Steele had made, which bears signs of Swift's style: : a part of No. 66, on Preaching, with a reference to Atterbury, almost certainly written by Swift: parts of No. 67 and 68, on the Chamber of Fame, which have all the marks of Swift; No. 70, a short letter from Jonathan Rosehat, on the faults of clerical oratory, also bearing signs of Swift's work: No. 71, on Clerical Neglect, which appears more like the work of Steele than Swift: No. 230, referred to in the text: the verses in No. 238; and a letter in No. 258, on

helped Steele in the previous year. He began again by a paper on the false taste that was corrupting style, anticipating, as it were, the strange proposalt which he soon after made to Harley for an English Academy. At present all he has to urge is the vulgarity of the colloquialisms that were creeping in, and the affectation of the modish abbreviations that docked words of a syllable or two. What he wants to restore is described in a characteristic sentence, as "that simplicity which is the best and truest ornament of most things in human life." He followed it up by one or two short poems, amongst which the most notable is the Description of the City Shower, which in some sixty lines of mock heroic poetry, gives us a picture, complete in all its graphic details, of the streets of town when their passengers were overtaken by the rain. Dulman sauntering to the coffee-house: the poet, grieving for the sufferings of his thread-bare coat: the "daggled females " rushing to the shop for shelter, only to

"Pretend to cheapen goods, but nothing buy:"

the tucked-up sempstress, trudging through the mud: the beau boxed up in his chair: the spruce Templar, who waits in patience, all the while he affects to call a coach: the shed where, pursued by the elements,

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Triumphant Tories, and despondent Whigs
Forget their feuds, and join to save their wigs."

It is not surprising that Swift was pleased with the parody, and shewed something of the author's irritation at the scant appreciation by his Irish friends.‡

Lord Somers, too, receives him cordially, and recalls to him that recommendation to Lord Wharton, the recollection of which was not likely to be palatable to Swift. Lord Halifax

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