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tion of these Begums in their secluded Zenana? or that they could inspire this enthusiasm and this despair into the breasts of a people who felt no grievance, and had suffered no torture? What motive, then, could have such influence in their bosom? What motive? That which nature, the common parent, plants in the bosom of man, and which, though it may be less active in the Indian than in the Englishman, is still congenial with, and makes part of his beingthat feeling which tells him, that man was never made to be the property of man; but that when through pride and insolence of power, one human creature dares to tyranize over another, it is a power usurped, and resistance is a duty-that feeling which tells him, that all power is delegated for the good, not for the injury, of the people, and that when it is converted from the original purpose, the compact is broken, and the right is to be resumed that principle which tells him, that resistance to power usurped is not merely a duty which he owes to himself and to his neighbour, but a duty which he owes to his God, in asserting and maintaining the rank which he gave to him in the creation!-to that common God, who, where he gives the form of man, whatever may be the complexion, gives also the feelings and the rights of man-that principle, which neither the rudeness of ignorance can stifle, nor the enervation of refinement extinguish !-that principle which makes it base for a man to suffer when he ought to act, which, tending to preserve to the species the original designations of providence, spurns at the arrogant distinctions of man, and vindicates the independent quality of his race.

Mr. Secretary Canning on the Catholic Relief Bill. House of Commons, April 21, 1825.

As it has fallen to my lot to address the House on this occasion, I beg to assure you that, in now tres

passing upon your attention, I do it with peculiar difficulty, because if I am naturally anxious to treat the subject at some length, the lateness of the hour will prevent my doing it justice. In travelling over the ground of this grand question at the present crisis, it is impossible not to perceive something far different, but far more cheering than any thing that we have hitherto known. Whether or not the opinion of the country is so satisfactorily pronounced against any further concessions to the Catholics as it was at one time pronounced—and whether or not it may be inferred that opinion is still the same, I will not undertake to say ; but this much is certain, that among the petitions on the subject that have been presented to this House— I desire to speak without disparagement of any-there has been presented no small degree of ignorance as to the state of the country to which that question refers. I feel, in stating what I do state, the full weight of the undoubted right of every man in this realm to come before this House, and to state fairly his opinions. And I know that every petition should be received by the House-and be not only received, but be considered with the most respectful deliberation. But I know that, after all, you ought to judge according to your own judgments. If out of the general mass of the country, I were to select any particular class of men whose interests are more immediately concerned in this measure, and who are most nearly connected with it, that class of men would be the clergy of the established church: and I give them not only toleration but praise for the manner in which they have come forward to express fairly, and honestly, and boldly, their sentiments upon it. But even in their petitions I have found something of that ignorance of the state of the laws, and of the state of the country, of which I complain-ignorance not affecting them in their sacred character, but ignorance of which so many other persons partake. I shall allude in particular to one petition which I have selected out of the many similar petitions that have been presented; and it is immaterial to state whence this petition has proceeded. But I think the contents of

this petition will sufficiently show that the opposition to the measure has been founded on that distrust to which our natures are so very liable. This petition prays, that the House would not grant to the Catho lics those concessions and those immunities which are denied to every other class of dissenters; and it states that it would be in the highest degree impolitic and unjust to allow the Catholics, who are comparatively under the dominion of a foreign court, a voice in the enactment of the laws, and in the administration of the laws, while the Protestant dissenters, who are under no such dominion, but who are more liberal and better educated, are excluded from those privileges. In answer to this petition, and to this declaration, I say, that if it be declared that the objects of the bill are to place, and merely to place, the excluded dissenters, the Roman Catholic dissenters, on a footing with other dissenters, the objections against supporting this bill must fall to the ground. I will not go so far as to say, that it would be right to remove all disabilities on account of religion. I will pledge myself to no such doctrine. But I will not yield to it unless it can be shown that practical grievances will result from those disabilities, and with respect to the Catholics, will those practical grievances exist, or will they not?

Speech of Lord Chatham, in the House of Peers, against employing the Indians in the American War.

BUT, my Lords, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?-to call into civilized alliance, the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods?-to delegate to the merciless Indian, the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My

Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. But, my Lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality; "for it is perfectly allowable," says Lord Suffolk, " to use all the means which God and nature have put into our hands." I am astonished, I am shocked, to hear such principles confessed; to hear them avowed in this House, or in this country. My Lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention, but I cannot repress my indignation-I feel myself impelled to speak. My Lords, we are called upon as members of this House, as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barbarity!-"That God and nature have put into our hands!" What ideas of God and nature that noble Lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such detestable principles, are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature, to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation.

I call upon that Right Reverend, and this most Learned Bench, to vindicate the religion of their God, to support the justice of their country. I call upon the Bishops, to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn;-upon the Judges, to interpose the purity of their ermine, to save us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your Lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character. I invoke the genius of the constitution.From the tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this Noble Lord, frowns with indignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain did he defend the liberty, and establish the religion

of Britain, against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than Popish cruelties, and inquisitorial prac tices, aré endured among us. To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood! against whom?-your Protestant brethren!-to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and instrumentality of these horrible hounds of war! Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with bloodhounds, to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico; we, more ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that can sanctify humanity. I solemnly call upon your Lordships, and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure, the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. More particularly, I call upon the holy prelates of our religion, to do away this iniquity; let them perform a lustration, to purify the country from this deep and deadly sin. My Lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor even reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles.

Caius Marius to the Romans.

I SUBMIT to your judgment, Romans, on which side the advantage lies, when a comparison is made be tween Patrician haughtiness and Plebeian experience. The very actions which they have only read, I have partly seen, and partly myself achieved. What they know by reading, I know by action. They are pleased to slight my mean birth: I despise their mean characters. Want of birth and fortune is the objection against me; want of personal worth against them. But are not all men of the same species?

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