troubles" in Episcopacy. Mr. Connelly has tried Episcopacy, and finds that there is no hope but in popery. Mr. Connelly is conscious of no little perplexity; he says "I scarce know how or where I stand in my confusion." Mr. Colton, having had less experience of Episcopacy, seems to be conscious of no imperfection or dimness in the vision of its apostolic power and beauty.

We have unthinkingly protracted these remarks till we have left ourselves no space for the consideration of Mr. Colton's book in its most considerable aspect, namely, as an attempt at argument for the peculiar system of the Protestant Episcopal Church in this country, and against the peculiarities of the Congregational and Presbyterian churches. In such an emergency our only resort is to a postponement. We shall take up the book in this third aspect on another occasion, if Mr. Colton does not in the meantime change his mind again; of which there seems to be less danger as his publishers have had the precaution to stereotype his thoughts before issuing the first edition.* It may be they were apprehensive that their author having changed so suddenly and so greatly in this instance, might turn out to be avap diluxos, unstable in all his ways. We cannot blame them for their precaution. But we will hope better things of our stray brother. We hope he will stand fast where we now find him. We hope, that as he gets over the ecstatic warmth of his first love in his new connection, and after he has proved sufficiently the heartiness of his conformity to all things contained in the constitution, canons, and liturgy of the Episcopal church, he will begin to recover from his alarm about fanaticism, and his horror of lay influence over the clergy; and will become a working minister in some parish, where the people, not undervaluing their rector because of the "enlargedness of mind" which he has gained by seeing the world as it is, will value him far more because of his diligence and faithfulness in preaching that gospel which,-not in its ceremonies and its hierarchy, but in its revelations of God, of an atoning Savior, and of a Holy Spirit,-is the wisdom of God and the power of God to salvation. Thus shall his last days be his best days; and when his travels and his changes shall be forgotten, the memory of his pastoral fidelity shall flourish by the firesides and the altars of a grateful people.

*Such is the only charitable mode of construing the fact of the identity be tween the first edition and the second,-an identity, perfect except in the title page. Such, too, is our explanation of another fact, namely, that the second edi tion, so called, was the first to make its appearance at the distance of five hours from the publishers office.

THE

QUARTERLY

CHRISTIAN SPECTATOR.

VOLUME VIII-NUMBER IV.

DECEMBER, 1836.

ART. I.-THE DANGERS OF OUR COUNTRY.

It is a lesson derived from all history, that a people's worst enemies are found within themselves. Foreign invaders and rapacious conquerors spread desolation for a time through a land; but it is only moral degeneracy, that can effect its irremediable ruin. This is a foe most of all to be feared. A people's vices are 66 confederate" against God and his church, in every land. No country can enjoy prolonged peace, safety or happiness, under the dominion of a high degree of moral corruption. Our own nation is not without danger from this source. It is threatened with these more terrible internal enemies,-the vices that are every day gaining ground. The wicked of every description are mustering their forces to combat. Great and opposing principles and interests are brought into action, in the midst of us. There is the struggle of ignorance and knowledge, of error and truth, of slavery and freedom, of impiety and religion; and the struggle is fearful. It is not by any means ascertained, with any probability, how it will be decided, at least for a period. This country, from its peculiar attitude at the present time, and the character of its institutions, is becoming a sort of battle-ground for the nations,—a moral arena for the whole world. It would seem, that the fate of every people under heaven, would be decided here, according to the triumph or defeat which we are to experience. Both our friends and enemies are looking with an intense interest, on the great moral experiment which we are making; the contest of correct principles with those that are wrong,-both, so to speak, placed on the same footing; with no outward advantages on either side; with no despotism or hierarchy to make either scale preponderate. Virtue and vice are here contending against each other, each with its own VOL. VIII.

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inherent energy. There are those scattered throughout every enlightened nation, who would rejoice exceedingly in our success; but there are others, and doubtless the greater number, the despotic powers of the world, who would rejoice as intensely in our defeat; and they are aiding the enemy within to accomplish our downfall.

In view of the aspect of affairs which is now presented, and has been for some time, we are led to consider the dangers that threaten us as a nation. When we speak of these, we mean, dangers that affect our peculiar institutions, civil, social, ecclesiastical or literary; our peculiar rights and privileges,-our religion, liberty, laws and government. Not that our existence is endangered. Nations, strictly speaking, are never destroyed. They always exist; not indeed, under the same name, but the people are perpetuated, mingled with others, perhaps their conquerors. They exist under different circumstances, and commonly in a deteriorated state, after subjugation by war, or after political or other powerful convulsions. So when our institutions shall have become changed, -our liberty turned into despotism or licentiousness, our intelligence into ignorance, our religion into infidelity or papacy, we may exist as a nation; people will live here,-but we shall not be the present happy United States. Transmuted into an ignorant, enslaved, debased people, with abounding crime and wretchedness, and with the hope of salvation extinguished, what would our existence be worth! Who of us would desire to live to see the day? We have been strongly inclined to consider ourselves as safe; our future consummated greatness, happiness and virtue have been confidently predicted. The land has rung with the theme, but persons of reflection among us are beginning to contemplate our circumstances with very different feelings. Causes are at work, producing effects, that are calculated to fill the reflecting mind with the deepest anxiety. Principles are every day more and more unfolded, which tend to create the most painful apprehensions, in respect to the inviolability,—the stability of our institutions. Questions of an elementary character, and of the most exciting kind, are now incessantly discussed, and putting at hazard the Union itself. Good has indeed advanced in the midst of us; but evil, it is to be feared, has kept quite an equal pace.

1. One source of danger to our country arises from the general agitation which prevails; the susceptibility for excitement at the present era, not only of this nation, but of the civilized world. A great degree of excitement in the public mind,-the tendency to strong emotions and passions in large bodies of men, is in itself perilous. The cause of apprehension in this case is, that, besides all the derangement in the regular course of affairs, and the interruption of general happiness, which an agitated state of the com

munity occasions, some sudden convulsion may ensue, which shall shatter the very frame-work of society; some spark may be elicited, which shall produce uncontrollable and lasting disorder. A general and vague excitement,-an almost unmeaning and wild agitation may settle down into some form of concentrated and incurable evil. After the agitation is passed away, and an opposite state of feeling prevails, a sullen and despairing stupidity,-society may be afflicted with an insupportable oppression; the base residuum of agitated elements.

That a portentous and fearful excitement prevails over the world, is too manifest to be denied or doubted. Every one who reads, is aware of the fact; we take up our papers with the expectation of learning some new form in which the prevailing spirit has shown itself in this country or elsewhere; and we take them up prepared to participate in the general impulse. In other countries, it is the struggle of the people for their just rights, civil and religious, against their powerful oppressors. In this country there is really far less cause of agitation; but where we have not real evils, we have fancied ones. Even here, however, there are principles that remain to be settled. This agitation of the public mind may arise from its more enlightened state, and from the progress of liberal sentiments. The struggle with ignorance, proscription and authority, must necessarily throw the elements of society into commotion. The making up of the public mind, is as the rumbling which precedes the effects of an earthquake. The whole mass is prepared to heave, and shake and be thrown into disorder. In a revival of religion we have an instance of agitated feelings; but where it is a genuine work, it is always a salutary agitation, because the object is good, and the means of effecting it are good. The moral atmosphere is purified by such a movement on the minds of a community. But this is not the case with every sort of excitement, especially when it is of an indefinite and general kind, to be fixed it knows not on what; extending over the whole face of society, and inspiring a sort of wildness and alarm. Such a kindling excitable state of the public mind, is to be dreaded, let it arise from what source it may. But oftener, perhaps, the very reason of the existence of such a condition of things, is the want of illumination in the public mind, and the prevalence of narrow views. People become agitated, in many instances, because they do not understand the bearing of measures; and because they are opposed to all improvement, they will not consent that their prejudices should be disturbed or removed. It is like the alarm which an individual, uninformed mind feels, in view of some prodigy or supposed supernatural event. It is the terror which is excited by spectres, apparitions or other unusual appearances, as they used to affect in darker times, if they do not now, the illiterate peasant.

People suffer themselves to run wild with emotion, because they do not know what it is which moves them. It is something which affects others, and therefore it is a sufficient reason why they should be affected. It is a perilous state of things, portending or producing worse evil.

2. Another source of danger to this country is a spirit of intol erance which is now rife among our citizens; a high unyielding temper, which seems resolved, at all hazards, to carry its own point, which seeks to secure its own objects, and every iota of them, without regard to any interfering claims. It is a temper which seldom appears to know, that there are two sides to a question, and which makes no allowance for human weakness and imperfection. Indeed, it admits few or no rights and privileges except its own. It is an intolerance which does not show itself, as formerly, by outward violence, we mean in this country, unless it has been the case in some instances in regard to the Catholic question, the discussion of the principles of Papacy. Here, if any where, we are to expect violence. But it is an intolerance of principle,-of opinion. Every man is set at nought,-is put without the pale of charity, who does not conform exactly to the favorite opinion. A leader has his notion, and every other man must be brought to bow to it, or he is alien from truth and goodA colonizationist, for instance, has been represented by his opponent, as an advocate of sin,-an ally of Satan: and an abolitionist, from certain quarters, is held up as no better than a cutthroat,―a leveler of all distinctions,-a friend to the intermixture of the white and black races, by means of matrimonial alliances. An advocate of moral reform is exposed to public view as a wretch who taints the atmosphere with his abominable disclosures of crine, or he is a sullen misanthropist who allows not even of the most innocent indulgences. And he who hesitates in adopting the opinions and coarse language of a thorough-going reformer, or has some decent regard to times, and places, and company, is a coward, almost a traitor to his God, even if he is an accredited exemplary minister of the gospel. Such is the style of remark too common in maintaining opinions on certain subjects; as if nothing is right but in perfect conformity to them, and nothing wrong but in opposition.

ness.

It may seem strange to talk of intolerance, after years have passed away of smooth-tongued liberality. Yet it is but a natural reaction of the lately too indulgent and conceding spirit. There was danger, formerly, of allowing too much to wrong principles and practices. Truth and righteousness came near being sacrificed, in many instances, in the exercise of a too easy charity. But the times are greatly changed. Violent and angry controversies, especially on moral and religious subjects, are carried on with a