tated. This brought upon them the displeasure of the General Court, and an act was passed for the suppression of the obnoxious sect. The act declares, that forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often proved, that since the first rising of the Anabaptists, * about one hundred years since,t they have been the incendiaries of Commonwealths, and the infectors of persons in main matters of religion, and the troublers of churches in all places where they have been, and that they who have held the baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually held other errors and heresies therewith ; and have denied the rights of magistrates to inspect the breaches of the first table, be it ordered and agreed that if any person or persons, shall openly oppose or condemn the baptism of infants, or deny the right of magistrates to punish the breaches of the first table, every such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment. Under this and similar acts, many godly and innocent persons were fined, imprisoned and banished. But the cause of religious freedom advanced. The more these men suffered, the bolder they became in advocating the rights of conscience; and the public attention and the public sympathies were excited, until it was deemed necessary to repeal the most obnoxious clauses of these acts.

Even up to the period when the disputes commenced, which terminated in the Declaration of Independence, many were still in favor of an union of Church and State, and some bodies of Christians were actually oppressed. But as these oppressed people united with others of their fellow citizens, in resisting the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, it seemed to them unreasonable that they should contend for civil liberty, if after that was gained, they should still be oppressed in religious concerns.

When, therefore, the first Continental Congress met in Philadelphia, the Warren and Philadelphia Baptist Associations sent a Committee to that Convention, to represent their grievances, and to plead the cause of religious freedom. They performed their duty well, although they did not see the immediate good effect of their application. They stated to the Committee, appointed by Congress to hear them, that the people they represented were fighting and bleeding for civil liberty, and that it seemed to them unreasonable that they should be called upon to stand up with others in defence of liberty, if after all it was to be the liberty for one party to oppress another. One of the Congressional Committee told them, that if they meant to effect a change in their measures respecting religion, they might as well attempt to change the course of the sun in the heavens. But blessed be God, the sun continues his course in the heavens, and yet a change has been effected in the religious measures which were then pursued. In a Convention of delegates from the States, a Federal Constitution was form

* A namo we altogether reject, as falsely and unjustly misrepresenting us. An Anabaptist, is one who rebaptizes, a practice we universally disapprove, as being both unnecessary and unscriptural.

A mistake of 1500 years.

ed without any provision on the subject of religion, except to allow every citizen of this great nation to believe and worship as his own conscience may dictate.

In remembering all the way which the Lord hath led us, we must feel that we have special cause for thankfulness, that Roger Williams was raised up as the pioneer of religious liberty. Had it not been for him and his coadjutors, we might at this day have had our religious test acts, and have been compelled to support the religious teachers of some other denomination, besides our own ; with the reward for this extra support, of being charged with the sin of schism, and of being excluded from offices of honor and trust. We would swell the shout of thanksgiving which is passing over the land, that this is not our own condition. We give praise to God, that from one end of this extensive country to the other, every one, of every denomination, is at liberty to worship when, and where, and as he pleases, and that no denomination of Christians, as such, are deprived of their civil rights.

If any apology be necessary, for detaining you so long on the rise and progress of religious freedom in this our happy country, I would simply say, that this is a religious celebration, that to Christians, religious freedom ought to be as dear to them as civil liberty; and that while we forget not the men who valiantly, and at the peril of their lives, asserted the right of the nation, neither ought we to forget the men, who at the peril of their lives, and amid sufferings, worse than the horrors of war, resolutely maintained the rights of the Church universal.

It should be to us a matter of devout joy that the revolutionary contest, not only secured to us our independence but our freedom. It has been the misfortune of some colonists after expending much blood and treasure in the hope of independence, merely to exchange the yoke of one tyrant for that of another.

But with our independence we also became free. Almost every thing in the previous history of the country, had prepared the people for liberty. The persecutions which led to the first settlement of this part of our country; the unconquerable aversion which the colonists felt to an ecclesiactical hierarchy; their indifference to an order of nobility; their simple forms of worship ; their republican plainness of manners and address; their virtuous habits ; their instruction of their children, whether rich or poor; and the principles of civil liberty, which they had long cherished and avowed, were all so many concurring circumstances favorable to the establishment of freedom.

It was also wisely ordered by divine Providence, that most of the men who at that period participated in the councils of the nation had long been the decided and open advocates of the rights and liberties of the citizens. Had there been any of a contrary opinion, they had no temptation sufficiently powerful to induce them to avow it. The universal and fixed determination of the people to be free, was sufficiently known to operate as a check on the measures of those who might be unfriendly to a popular form of Government. Under these happy auspices, the Constitution of the United States was drawn. An instrument, which, with the exception of the Declaration of Independence, is second to none in the world. It was the production of men, whose talents, learning and patriotism would have reflected honor upon any nation, either ancient or modern. Yet after it was presented to Congress, such was the extreme caution of the States, and their mutual jealousies of their respective rights, that two years elapsed, before the Constitution was ratified and the government completely organized. It declares that all men are born free and equal, that all power is derived from the people, and that the only legitimate object of government, is the better security of property, life, and liberty. While it unites in one firm chain the various States, it provides for their sovereignty and independence, and interferes not with their internal regulations. Who can read this charter of our rights, which secures us at once from the extremes of anarchy and despotism, and marks the just limits of representative government, and not feel an indescribable joy?

The fact that our predecessors determined to have no religious inquisitors, in the garb of ecclesiastics, should, by every son of freedom, and especially by every sincere Christian, be remembered this day with unfeigned gratitude to God.

The maintenance of religion by law has made thousands of hypocrites and formalists. Religious establishments have always and every where received under their wing and fostered a worldly minded and time serving priesthood. But where, and when, we ask, have they ever intentionally nurtured men because they were distinguished for personal piety? They have been and are the most powerful instruments of oppression and despotism; but they have never opened the prison doors to them that are bound, nor proclaimed liberty to the captives; nor said to the oppressed, go free.

From the imperfect sketch which has been given of some of the leading events in our past history, we may learn what are our appropriate duties. Let us imitate the piety, the faith and the virtues of the Pilgrims and their immediate descendants. Their praise indeed is on every tongue; but alas ! how few there are who follow what was excellent in their examples. Where do we find such a readiness as some of them displayed, to make sacrifices for conscience' sake? Where may we look for so many instances of personal and family religion? Where shall we see, to so great extent, such inflexible integrity and such pure morals? Their love of learning, their support of schools and colleges, and their attachment to civil liberty, are not only worthy of perpetual remembrance, but claim to be admired and imitated. Let us especially watch our religious rights with unsleeping

Let us avoid all entangling alliances with the State. The kingdom of Christ is not of this world. It has been enfeebled and corrupted by relying for aid on the civil power,

, but its true glory and prosperity have never been thereby promoted. As a denomination, we have never asked any favors of any earthly government, except that they would not oppress us for conscience sake, nor permit others to injure us. We have al

care.

a

ways insisted that no weapon but truth should be employed to win men to Christianity, and that should the force of argument fail, no one has a right to resort to the argument of force. From these principles, I trust we shall never depart, but that “whereto we have already attained, we shall walk by the same rule, and mind the same thing." There is no reason to fear that any religious sect will ever again in this country enjoy any special patronage or privileges. And I feel confident that our denomina. tion would prefer being exposed to the fines, imprisonments, and scourges of former years, than receive any legal favors, or depend in the least for support on the secular arm.

I commenced this discourse with a passage from the farewell address of Moses ; perhaps I cannot do better than to close it with one from the farewell address of the beloved Washington, to the people of the United States. His advice cannot surely fail of being regarded ; and he will at least be considered as disinterested in his remarks on the importance of religion.

“Of all the dispositions and habits," he says, “which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, those firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

“Promote also as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened.”

Should these sentiments, so worthy of the “Father of his country," pervade our hearts, and be the guiding star of our conduct, then shall we long be safe and happy. But should they generally be disregarded, then will our political fabric crumble to the dust, and the fairest portions of our land will exhibit the fearful scenes, first of anarchy and then of despotism, and we shall be for a reproach and a perpetual hissing to the nations.

But we do not despair of the Republic. We are not willing to believe that the people will be so infatuated in their joy, as to forget those principles and habits of their fathers which have conducted us to all that is good and great in possession, and to all that is bright and fair in our future prospects.

We do see in Sabbath and common schools, in the increase of colleges, and more especially, in the increased efforts of Christians to diffuse the truths of Christianity, pledges, that our posterity will be intelligent and virtuous, and being so, they will correctly understand and discreetly exercise their political rights. Should these delightful visions be realized—and who will not do his utmost that they may be—then, fellow citizens, the sun of our freedom will never go down But we shall continue increasing in national greatness and happiness, until the rays of our glory shall mingle with the resplendent light of the millennial day.

ADVICE TO PUBLIC SPEAKERS.

Mr. Editor,

It is very frequently the case, that ministers are complaining of feeble lungs, which circumscribe their labors, and in some instances, lay them aside entirely; while others perform much less service, from a fear that they may go too far, and bring on them by their imprudence, this great calamity.

For these difficulties there is a remedy, by which feeble lungs may be restored, and those which are strong preserved, and the strength increased to any degree, so as to be able to perform with ease, any amount of labor that circumstances may require.

It is no quackery nor magic, but perfectly consistent with the principles which govern the animal economy, and will at once commend itself to every judicious mind. It is simply the constant and regular exercise of the lungs. I am indebted for this important information to a respectable clergyman, who was once given over by his physician, as far gone in consumption ; but who is now able to preach three or four times on the Sabbath.

It is evident, that the right hand is stronger than the left, because it is exercised more; and the principle is applied to other parts of the body: and we have no reason to think that the lungs are an exception.

The difficulty with ministers is, that they spend too much of their time without exercise, and the whole body becomes feeble as well as the lungs. Hence, on the Sabbath, they are exhausted with their labors; and through the ensuing week, they allow their lungs to rest, in order to gain strength for succeeding services. But the whole system is wrong, entirely wrong. Who would expect that the right hand would gain additional strength by lying still ? and who would not be of the opinion that regular exercise would soon impart that needed strength? Instead of allowing the lungs to rest, they ought to be exercised more regularly and constantly. If they are feeble, read aloud a few minutes every day, and gradually increase the time, till the exercise of each day, shall equal the labors of the Sabbath; then, when the Sabbath comes, it will be, as far as the strength of the lungs is concerned, only an ordinary day's work.

If standing in the pulpit fatigues the body, let the minister stand every day as long as the duties of the sanctuary require, and the difficulty will be remedied. And if the body be generally feeble, increase the exercise daily, till it be sufficiently strengthened.

A word of caution, however, is necessary. Ministers are peculiarly exposed after evening services, when the lungs are in a JULY, 1830.

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