directed to a settlement of the difficulty as it then presented itself; they also embraced that which might be advantageous in the future. A year after his arrival he reported to lord Shelburne on the condition of the province, whep he dwelt upon the superiority in numbers of the new to the old subjects, expressing the belief that, far from diminishing, the disparity would be increased. He considered that emigration from Europe would be turned to the more "cheerful climate and more fruitful soil of the southern provinces in preference to the long inhospitable winters of Canada." It was the commencement of the misrepresentation by political writers of the healthy, pleasant, invigorating winter of Canada; one of the great charms of the social life of the dominion, by which Europeans, who in the winter months visit the cities of the northern part of the continent, are so pleasantly impressed; a delusion which took three quarters of a century to destroy. To Carleton a house of assembly which should exclude the Canadians appeared ridiculously unwarrantable. *

He met such demands by replying that he would be obliged to those advocating the measure if they would suggest a plan of carrying it out advantageously to the province, detailing who the electors and who the representatives should be. The question indeed somewhat dropped into abeyance when it

* Carleton's letter to Shelburne of the 25th Nov., 1767, [Can. Arch, Q., 5,1, p. 260] is given at length in report of Can. Arch., 1888, p. 41. At this date, a century and a half after they were written, a true estimate can be formed of the correctness in many respects of the opinions then expressed. Having arranged the strength of His Majesty's old and new subjects and shewn the great superiority of the latter, it may not be amiss to observe that there is not the least probability this present superiority should ever diminish, on the contrary, it is more than probable it will increase and strengthen daily. . The few old subjects

at present in this province have been mostly left here by accident, and are either disbanded officers, soldiers or followers of the army who not knowing how to dispose of themselves elsewhere, settled where they were left at the Reduction ;

But while this severe climate and the poverty of the country discourages all but the natives, its healthfulness is such that these multiply daily, so that, barring a catastrophe shocking to think of, this country must to the end of Time be peopled by the Canadian Race, who already have taken such firm Root and got to so great a height, that any new stock transplanted will be totally hid and imperceptible amongst them, except in the towns of Quebec and Montreal."

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again obtained prominence in 1768 by a petition being taken round for signature among the English speaking members. Carleton considered that the influence of Masères had been exercised in this direction. The upper classes of the French Canadians declared themselves decidedly adverse to the measure, and studiously kept aloof from connection with it.

Carleton's conservative tone of mind came into prominence in his discussion of the proposition. He was not hopeful of the good effect of liberal institutions transplanted to the American continent. They would fail to produce the results attained in the mother country, for the dignity neither of the throne nor of the peerage could be sustained. The governor had little to give away, and accordingly possessed little influence. He rather ran the risk of being unpopular and disliked. It was his duty to restrain insubordination, and not permit officials in the receipt of fees to be extortionate. He had to struggle with incompetence; for the offices which should have been held by men of ability, experience and integrity, were granted to patentees, who filled them as cheaply as possible, by bestowing them on men who offered the best terms, and desired to make the most out of their places. Such as these, restrained in their desire to enrich themselves, looked with hate on the person exercising this restraint, and no one of the number gave the slightest assistance in the difficulties of government. The governor, feebly assisted by his council, was ill able to contend with a popular assembly in full vigour, in which there was equality of condition, and a natural tendency to republican principles; and it was a grave point to be considered if this independent spirit of democracy should be cultivated in a colony lately conquered.

Many of Carleton's successors had occasion to think as he thought. The principle of colonial rule was for the succeeding sixty years imperfectly understood. Adam Smith had not written his immortal work. The world had to learn that freedom of trade must ever remain the main spring of every political alliance, and that the restriction enforcing any form of protection, which may possibly advance the fortunes of a

few individuals, is hurtful to the state as a whole; that personal prosperity enjoyed by the great majority must prove the true basis of national wealth; that repressive law, except in its necessary relationship to order, justice and the preservation of the rights of property, of liberty and protection of person, invariably creates a class of agitators who live by tumult, and by bewildering honester minds than their own. Having some limited degree of truth on their side, they are able to throw the mantle of wrong over much, which even does not call for partial condemnation. Where a fair field is given to labour and enterprise, political dissatisfaction becomes of an inferior and subordinate character. Changes are rarely sought for themselves; they are the means to an end, having generally in view specific results, and a new element is sought in the form of government, that the difficulty of living may be modified. Better rights are demanded in order that they may lead to better days; and every enlargement of constitutional liberty is regarded as the forerunner of liberty of thought, of action, of effort, of enterprise. In Carleton's days these views obtained no recognition. The king's exaggerated sense of the power he should possess penetrated into every part of the empire, especially in political life. In England, the "king's friends" were active in its advocacy in every direction; the principle was communicated to colonial government, to be followed, long after the pretension had passed away at home. It was looked for, that every impression should come from London. There was a large class in the colonies that profited by the theory, and battled for its maintenance, as it gave them place and power; and even after the passage of the reform bill, the subordinate officials in the colonial office in London, continued for many years to exercise an undesirable influence on the outer provinces of the empire. It was only by slow degrees that this undesirable interference was finally entirely set aside.

Carleton in 1769 applied for leave to return temporarily to England. His absence at that date was not thought expedient; it was only about the 13th of August, 1770, that he was

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able to leave Canada. He went home nominally on private affairs for a period of six months, but he remained absent in England until 1774. His presence there was considered advantageous, from the information he could furnish, as he could be consulted personally on the points which demanded settlement; the form of government; the code of laws; and the principle on which the newly acquired province should be governed. Four years were to elapse before anything definite could be effected. On Carleton's arrival, lord North had succeeded to power. Hillsborough, however, remained in office as secretary, and continued in that position for two years. The delay which followed must therefore have arisen with the new first minister; and this spirit of procrastination was unfortunately a striking feature of his character.

On Carleton's departure, Hector Theophile Cramahé, a Swiss protestant was appointed lieutenant-governor. He had been a member of Murray's council during the period of military occupation, and was re-appointed when Murray became governor-in-chief. Cramahé had been a captain in the service, and had retired in 1761; he acted as Murray's secretary, and he was commended by Murray to Pitt for his high qualities in the performance of his duties On Murray's appointment as governor, Cramahé was sent to Three Rivers to take charge of the government, relieving Haldimand.† He continued a member of Murray's council, and so obtained his confidence, that he was sent to England to represent to the colonial office the condition of the province. After the dismissal of Irving and Mabane he became the senior member of the council. His seniority, joined to his ability and rectitude, led to his selection as lieutenant-governor. The four years that Cramahé remained in that position were in no way eventful so far as Canada was concerned. Cramahe's govern

Murray wrote of him 13th of May, 1761, “I can answer for this gentleman's integrity, he is an excellent scholar, entirely master of the French language, and I should be very ungrateful if I did not acknowledge myself infinitely indebted to his parts, Temper and understanding, in the course of the business I have now carried on for two years in this colony." Can. Arch., Q., I, p. 1.

+ Verreault: Regne Militaire, p. 276.

ment called only for the careful observance of his instructions, and for prudence in meeting unlooked-for emergencies. Although it was generally believed that Carleton had returned to England to give information concerning the codification. of the law, there is no record of any strong feeling in the province on the subject. A few weeks after Carleton's departure, Cramahé forwarded to him for presentation, a petition from the French Canadians, praying that the laws and customs which had governed their properties should be restored. From time to time Cramahé was informed by the colonial secretary, that the uncertainty with regard to Canadian law was passing away, and a settlement would soon be effected; also that the delay experienced was unavoidable. Some activity was shewn in applications for grants of land; it was at this period that attention was first directed to the subject,* and that any tendency was shewn of a desire to seek any field of enterprise outside of mercantile life in the cities.

In 1773, the question of the house of assembly again came into prominence, and an attempt was made to induce the French Canadians to join in the movement. A meeting was held in Quebec on the 30th of October, at which the vote was almost unanimous, 38 to 3, that the lieutenant-governor should first be addressed, previous to any appeal being made to the king. The petition was drafted and translated into French, and sent to the leading French Canadians, with a request that they would join in a conference on the 4th of November. Nine of the British signers and eight of the French Canadians attended, when the latter agreed to submit the question to their countrymen. No French Canadians were present at the following meeting. Accordingly, a letter was addressed to those who had accepted the first invitation. The answer received was that the French Canadians as a body were

Among the applicants, is to be found the name of Zachary Macaulay, which indeed appears in all the documents signed by the English speaking minority at that date. For a time, it was argued that he was the father of the celebrated historian, the fact is disproved by his application for some land, his claim for which, he based on the fact of having served as a midshipman at the conquest both of Louisbourg and Quebec. Can. Arch., Q., 8, p. 117.