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CHAPTER I.

The duty is entailed upon me, to the extent that it affected Canada, of narrating the events of the revolution, which ended in the separation of the American colonies from the mother. country, and of tracing the influences which led that province to resist the movement, and continue under British rule. It is by no means an easy task. Opinions with regard to this unfortunate contest, having in their first stage their origin in party sympathies, have for the last century been so positively expressed, as to become, in a great measure, accepted truths. The reflex of the political passions of the time, called into activity by imperial politics, continues even at the present day to complicate the narrative, and to distort it by the many prejudices which then had their origin. The personal sentiments of the king are still remembered, his desire to constitute himself the central source of power, and his determination to set at nought the parliamentary restraints which had placed his great grandfather on the throne.

The support given to the provincial pretension of immunity. from all taxation in the first period of the difficulty, by those who countenanced and advocated the American cause, may to a great degree be traced to the feeling that the success of the court, in subduing the self-assertion of the colonist, would have so increased the royal power that constitutional government would have disappeared from the house of commons, and the struggles of 1642 and of 1688 would, at all cost, have had to be renewed. The attempt of George the third to surround himself by pliant ministers, having opinions in disaccord one with the other, individually looking to the monarch. for inspiration and support, caused the greatest apprehension with all who penetrated its mischievous influences. The theory that the royal prerogative could be best affirmed,

not by its direct assertion, but by obtaining control of the house of commons, exercised through men blindly devoted to the king's will, and maintained by him to carry out his purpose, had each year gained strength and vigour. Burke has left us the picture of the "king's friends" as they were called from their pliancy to the royal wishes. Several were possessors of office in the ministry, who accepted their position with no other view than to place themselves entirely at the king's disposal, and to counteract the policy he secretly opposed. The king's want of straightforwardness in this respect is indisputable. Prominent in this class was lord Barrington, ever to be remembered by his unworthy treatment of Wolfe's mother, in her advocacy of the claim which her son's memory had upon the country. Many held offices of profit and of trust, many were simply members of parliament, whose support and votes were purchased. The minister bringing forward a bill with the king's consent, never knew on whom he could count when the measure was debated. He even experienced opposition from members of his own administration. There have been attempts to vindicate the memory of George the third from his use of these means to obtain the power he desired; but they rise no higher than the special pleading of courtly writers, setting truth out of view. It is not possible to recognise the political existence of personages like Germaine, Sandwich, Rigby, Wedderburn, Jenkinson, et id genus omne, unless we regard them as sustained by royal favour. In modern politics any public man, however prominent his position, following such a line of conduct, would be fiercely assailed by public opinion, and driven in a few hours from office. The narrative of the American revolution which sets out of view this influence, will fail to account for much of the strong support that the colonial cause received in the house of commons, and in political circles in London.

It is the fashion with many modern writers to start with the theory, that from the commencement of the dispute, the mother country was entirely in the wrong, and that the

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colonies were entirely in the right, and so-called facts are appealed to, to establish the truth of this view. One of the facts so advanced is, the homage paid to Pitt, as an example of the grateful feeling entertained in America for the services rendered by the mother country. It may be questioned if Chatham's name ever obtained popularity in the colonies until his defence of their cause in the house of commons became known. It may be safely affirmed that public opinion had nothing whatever to do with the name of Pittsburg having been given to fort Duquesne; it was the act alone of Forbes in command of the expedition, as the conquest itself was mainly effected by imperial troops.*

During the year of the war with France, there was never any remarkably strong expression of colonial devotion to the mother country, even when the provincial forces took part in the struggle which was to decide their own national existence. The provincial troops were in their greatest strength from the spring of 1758, to the autumn of 1760, when about 10,500 men were under arms, in the field and in garrison. The actual fighting, however, generally fell on the imperial forces. At Louisbourg, in 1758, at the second siege, five companies. only of rangers were present in a force of 12,260 men. In the same year, during the operations on lake George and Ticonderoga, 5,960 provincials were present with 6,405 imperial troops. The main attack was made by the latter, the proportion of casualties being with the provincials, 79 killed, 226 wounded, while the greater loss of the British force was, 438 killed,. 1,049 wounded. After the repulse of Abercrombie, when fort Frontenac, lake Ontario, was taken, Bradstreet's column, including bateau service and Indians, amounted to 2,984 men; of this number, 179 only were imperial troops. Here there was no fighting. Earlier in the summer, Abercrombie's force before Ticonderoga included the full strength furnished by the northern provinces, except the small garrison' at fort Stanwix.

During the same year, 1758, contingents of the PennsylAnte, vol. IV., p. 213.

T

vanians and Virginians were organized for the attack on fort Duquesne under Forbes, which took place in November. When the troops marched forward, the force was formed of 1,630 imperial troops, and 4,350 Pennsylvanians, Virginians, and some companies from North Carolina and Maryland. In the final advance, 2,500 picked men only were engaged. In Wolfe's attack on Quebec, in 1759, in an army of 8,535 men, 700 rangers only were present. During Amherst's campaign the same year, in lake Champlain, the force consisted of 6,537 imperial troops and 4,839 provincials, and in the contemporary operations against Niagara, 2,680 provincial troops were present with the 44th and 46th imperial regiments. In 1760, on the final operations against Montreal, Amherst's force, including the Indians, amounted to 10,961 men, of this number 4.479 were provincials.

With this assistance from the provinces, the weight of the contest had fallen upon the mother country. British fleets had protected the American coast and American commerce. Even at the first taking of Louisbourg the fleet rendered incalculable service, to which modern United States writers in their description of that event in no way give the prominence it deserves, and, without the presence of the fleet it may be affirmed the siege would never even have been undertaken. On that occasion, the attacking force consisted entirely of a provincial force of 4,070 men, of whom 3,170 belonged to Massachusetts alone. The weakness of the garrison, which numbered 1,900 men, of whom 600 only were regular troops, made resistance impossible in the presence of the powerful fleet, and the gallantry of the attacking force. The siege lasted six weeks, from the 1st of May to the 15th of June. When the two sieges of Louisbourg are ever mentioned, the weakness of the first defence, in strong contrast to that of the second attack in 1758 under Amherst, is only imperfectly remembered.

The immense service rendered to New England by the destruction of Louisbourg must never be set out of view. That fortress was a continual threat, not only to her com

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merce, but to the safety and very existence of her cities. There was no assurance of peace or security, while the harbour could be held by a French fleet. With the assistance of the provinces, the extent of which I have given in detail, the imperial forces had driven the French out of Canada. In the two last wars in which the empire was engaged, the American possessions being to a great extent the casus belli, the national debt had been increased eighty-seven millions of pounds sterling. The provinces had contributed in a monetary point of view nothing to the expense of the war; and while the provincial troops were in the field they received pay from the British treasury.

Many opinions are recorded as having been expressed by men in prominent positions, that, owing to France no longer being in possession of the northern part of the continent, it would not be possible for England to retain her American colonies. These views can only now be remembered as shewing some shrewdness on the part of those who uttered them, and they may be compared to the predictions of a weather prophet, which attract attention when by chance they are realized. The one name which commands attention in this respect is that of Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, who in 1748 travelling through the provinces in his visit to Canada, based his opinions upon what he heard at Philadelphia. He formed the view, that it was a fortunate matter for the crown of England, that no serious attempt had been made to drive out the French, for he conceived that Canada could not resist the wealth and numerical strength of the British provinces. He dwelt upon the commercial restrictions imposed by Great Britain for the support of her commerce, which prevented the establishment of manufactures; refused the right of mining; made traffic to a foreign land illegal; and forbade foreign vessels to enter the colonial ports. The discontent caused by this legislation had weakened the affection entertained for the mother country, and the ill-feeling was increased by the numberless Germans, Dutch, and French, established in the provinces, who had little love for old England. Blended