1763] ESCAPE OF THE SURVIVORS. 31 brother, Musinigon. A proposal was made to remove Henry to the Indian cabin, but as all who were present were mad with liquor, he was permitted to remain where he was. Shortly afterwards Henry was ordered by an Indian to follow him. This man owed Henry a large sum of money, and it was plain to Henry that it was the design to pay the debt by killing him. The Indian did not conceal his intention. A struggle took place, and Henry, managing to free himself, ran towards the fort, where, seeing Wenniway, he asked his protection. Henry, for safety, was again taken to Langlade's house. During the night he was awakened from his sleep and told to descend to the lower room. He there found Ethering ton, Leslie, a trader named Bostwick, and father de Jaunay, the Jesuit missionary at the Ottawa village of L'Arbre Croche. Few priests have ever been more active in the cause of humanity and mercy; it was in a great measure owing to the judgment and courage displayed by him, that all the prisoners were not slaughtered. The Indians had determined on a debauch with the liquor they had obtained, and the prisoners had been brought within the enclosure to the houses of Langlade, and of the other Canadians, to assure their protection during the drunken frenzy which would ensue. According to Henry, twenty only of the garrison and British traders had escaped the massacre. Etherington proposed, with these twenty, to seize the fort. There were, within the enclosure, three hundred Canadians, generally voyageurs, and he held that it could be defended until assistance could reach them. The priest dissuaded him from any such attempt; he knew the Canadians would not intervene in any number or with any earnestness, and that failure would end in the death of all taking up arms. Such certainly would have been their fate, for no assistance was possible from Detroit. Relief came from a quarter where it was least expected, in the form of a flotilla of canoes from the Ottawa village of L'Arbre Croche. Drawing their canoes ashore the warriors entered and took possession of the fort; they felt themselves injured that the attack had been conducted without their participation, and that they had been allowed no share in the plunder. Their appearance led to an Indian council, at which the Ottawas consented to accept the situation. They retained, however, possession of the two officers and eleven of the soldiers, and carried them in their canoes to L'Arbre Croche, where, through the priest's influence, they were kindly treated. At Etherington's request de Jaunay was the bearer of a letter to Gladwin, at Detroit, detailing his situation. It is from this document that the narrative of his position is preserved. De Jaunay arrived at Detroit on the 19th of June,* with seven Ottawa Indians and eight Sauteurs commanded by Kinonchamek, son of the chief. A council was held with Pontiac, and if the account of the MS. be accepted, the Sauteur chief reproached Pontiac with unnecessary cruelty towards his captives, and the latter listened in silence. The interview establishes that Pontiac's influence was confined to the attack on Detroit, and that he directed no movement beyond that in which he was engaged. The deputation departed without any reply from the Detroit chief. The situation in which Gladwin was placed must have been a matter of surprise, both to the missionary and the Indians who had accompanied him. He had undertaken the journey to obtain assistance to replace Etherington in possession of Michillimackinac; he found Gladwin himself beleaguered and his position one of such danger that de Jaunay was plainly told, that nothing could be done to help Etherington. Gladwin requested de Jaunay to send back all the traders who might arrive at lake Michigan, whether French or English. De Jaunay objected to this course and remarked that it would raise great jealousy among the Indians, to act so with the French traders. This circumstance unfavourably impressed Gladwin, and confirmed him in his belief that the machina* Pontiac S., p. 316. +"I Conclude that the French are at the Bottom of this Affair, in order to Ruin the British Merchants & Engross the Trade to themselves, as many of them are Stupid Enough to Believe that they will be permitted to Supply the Indians with Everything they want before an Accommodation takes place." Gladwin to Amherst, 3rd July, 1763. Can. Arch., A. & W, I., 98.1, p. 310. 1763] FATHER DE JAUNAY. 33 tions of the French had led to the outbreak, an opinion he expressed to Amherst. Gladwin learned from the missionary the "immense booty" obtained at Michillimackinac, in which were fifty barrels of powder, information the more unacceptable, as it promised a continuance of the attack. Although there had been no deficiency of supplies among his assailants, and their ammunition had been plentiful, the hope of its exhaustion had always been entertained; it was now to be feared that this supply would be an incentive to greater activity. His own situation became more trying, when he had to admit his inability to aid Etherington; but nothing else could be done, and it only remained for de Jaunay to return to Michillimackinac with the painful news that there was no prospect of relief. On Etherington's arrival at L'Arbre Croche, he had sent by a canoe of Ottawas a letter to Gorell at Green bay, in which he related the attack with its consequences, giving him orders to leave his post immediately with his detachment and the traders present, and to come down to L'Arbre Croche, without touching at Michillimackinac, keeping on his guard against surprise. Gorell called a council of the Indians who were around his post, and as they were opposed to the Ojibeways, they consented to accompany him. Attended by ninety warriors of the Menomonies, with some Green bay Indians, Gorell arrived at his destination. He and his party were well received by the Ottawas. After several councils, extending over some days, the Ottawas consented that the prisoners, for so the survivors of Michillimackinac could be really considered, should take their departure. They left on the 18th of July; passing by Georgian bay, they ascended French river to lake Nipissing, and descended the Ottawa to Montreal, where they arrived on the 13th of August. Gage, then in command, directed that presents should be made to the Ottawas for the assistance they had rendered Etherington and his party. The only posts which now remained unattacked were the forts connecting lake Erie with fort Pitt. Their days were, D however, numbered. Presqu'île was the first to fall; it was garrisoned by ensign Christie, and twenty-four men. Johnson described it as capable of defence with trifling loss against any attack of small arms.* It was assailed on the 15th of June. The few men withdrew to the block-house which was situate on rising ground, within forty yards of two hills, from which the assailants discharged arrows with burning pitch and other combustibles upon the building, with the design of setting it on fire. The attempt was frequently successful, but the flames were fortunately extinguished. As water commenced to fall short, a well was dug in the block-house with great labour. The fight continued until the night of the 16th. Then a voice in French called out that further resistance would be of no avail, for an attempt would be made to burn the blockhouse, above and below. Christie asked if there was any one present who spoke English. He was answered by a man who had been a soldier, either a deserter or a prisoner, fighting in the ranks of the savages, who notified him that if the defenders then surrendered, their lives would be spared, but, if they continued their resistance, they would be burned alive. Christie asked that he should be allowed until morning to give his reply. When daylight came he formed the opinion that the preparations made would be successful. He therefore surrendered on the condition that the defenders should remain unharmed and be allowed to proceed to the next post. They were, however, made prisoners and taken to Detroit. Christie shortly afterwards had the good fortune to escape. The surrender of Presqu'ile caused great dissatisfaction. Bouquet, who knew well the strength of the post, described the capitulation as shameful, and it was to be hoped. that Christie was dead for his own sake. The opinion seems to have been general that he should have communicated with Niagara, and have defended his post until he was reinforced, the distance by water being about one hundred and forty miles. *N. Y. Doc., VII., p. 533. † Can. Arch., A., 12.2, p. 508. Bouquet to Curry, 4th July, 1763. 1763] LE BOEUF: VENANGO. 35 The block-house of Le Boeuf was attacked on the 18th of June; it was situated at the southern end of the portage, where the canoe navigation commenced, on a tributary of the Alleghany, and was held by ensign Price and thirteen men. The Indians succeeded in setting the block-house on fire, and placed themselves before the entrance to shoot down those who came out. In the desperation of their position the inmates escaped by the rear to the woods. The Indians, believing that the men had not left the block-house, continued. their fire and remained before the opening. During the night, in their passage to the south, the party failed to keep together. Price, with seven men, reached fort Pitt on the 26th. We have no tidings of the remaining six, and can only hope that they safely escaped. Nothing is known of the capture of Venango. Gray, one of the detachment at Presqu'île, who managed to reach fort Pitt, as he passed the spot, found the block-house burned to the ground. No man remained alive to tell the story of its destruction. The report reached Johnson that it had been surprised by the Chenussios, who roamed about the neighbourhood. They killed the few men who held it, with the officer in command, lieutenant Gordon, previously making the latter write down the reasons of the Indian attack as having been caused by the dearness of powder and other articles; by the feeling that when ill-treated by any of the British, the Indians could obtain no redress; and it had become plain from the number of posts established that the English intended to take possession of all the Indian country; they had therefore determined to destroy the white man. During the period when the destruction of these several forts was being effected, attacks upon the traders proceeding to fort Pitt were of frequent occurrence. Fort Ligonier, on the route from Bedford to the Ohio, was also assailed by parties hanging about its outskirts; they were, however, beaten off. On the night of the 21st of June, Blaine, the officer in command, reported to Bouquet that a strong party had attacked him and had been repulsed, and that on the follow |