British garrisons, supplying them with ammunition, awakening their fears, exciting their jealousy, and urging them to be mischievous. When these intrigues were foiled, and fort Chartres became a British garrison, the settlers at Cahokia crossed the river, carrying with them all their property even to the frames of their houses. Chouteau, another Frenchman, obtained some prominence with Laclede, in the establishment of the new locality, which in one hundred and thirty years has been developed to the populous city of Saint Louis.

These settlements, apparently so inconsiderable, effected during a short period, important consequences, and caused a great destruction of life and property. It was from the primary impulse communicated by these few traders, in connection with those of New Orleans, interested in keeping matters as they were, that the Indians were excited to hostility against the British. In modern times Pontiac, the Ottawa chief, has been named as the originator of the war which, commencing in 1763, was only terminated in the autumn of the following year. In the correspondence of the date, his name appears in prominence as a chief of remarkable ability, and as possessing qualities not ordinarily found in the Indian. There, is however, no evidence to establish him as the central figure organizing this hostile feeling, having as its primary object, the extirpation of the white race in the Indian country. Indeed, the whole movement is traceable to French traders on the Mississippi, and to their attempt to divert the fur trade of the lakes to the Mississippi, and thence to New Orleans, so that it would be retained in French hands. The first step to the consummation of this policy was to destroy the garrisons which offered protection to the trader, so that the danger of conducting any enterprise from Philadelphia, Albany and Montreal, would lead to its discontinuance. To attain this end it was necessary to set in a flame the tribes of the west, to lead them to act in unison, and declare undying war against the white men in possession of Canada.

Reports of an uneasy feeling pervading the Indians, from time to time, reached Amherst in New York, as if it foreboded

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trouble and disaffection, but he could not entertain the idea. that there was serious danger. He believed that any hostile Indian demonstration could be easily repressed. He clung to this view till events came so rapidly upon him that he awoke to the full danger of the situation. In August 1762 sir William Johnson had addressed the lords of trade on the distrust of the Indians, stirred up by the French, who had persuaded them that the British had resolved on their extirpation, adducing as a proof of this design the occupation of the old forts and the creation of new posts.

*

During 1761 Johnson had held a conference with the Ottawa confederacy at Detroit, and to a great extent succeeded in removing their prejudices; at the same time liberally making them gifts. It was this principle on which the French constantly acted, and the Indians had grown to look upon these gratuities as payment for permission to occupy the posts. On the conclusion of the war the doctrine of economy led to the withdrawal of these attentions, for in such light the gifts had to be regarded; and the Indians began to look upon the friendship of the British as of little account, since they could reap no benefit from it. Johnson stated the case in a few words. "The too general opinion which has lately prevailed that they [the Indians] were an Enemy of very little power or consequence, & not worth our attention, occasioned their being treated throughout the Country with a neglect which never fails being resented by them." †

The Six Nations generally continued their attachment to the British, but even they became involved in the common hostility. The villages of the Senecas were on the extreme

"Your Lordships may please to observe by my letter before mentioned, that I therein represented the jealousy which the Indians in general entertained of the increasing power of the English thro' the insinuations of French Missionaries & others who had persuaded them that we proposed their entire Extirpation, to which they in a great measure give credit, from our occupying some old posts & erecting new ones thro'out their Country, the necessity of which they could not discover since the reduction of Canada, unless they were to promote the design which they suspected was in agitation." N.Y. Doc., VII., p. 525. + N. Y. Doc., VII., p. 526.

west of these tribes near Niagara, and they had constantly received presents from the French. They were still ministered to by zealous missionaries, a relationship which, joined to the fact of the neglect they were experiencing, confirmed their devotion to the ancient alliance and led to their participation in the prevailing discontent. One assurance was particularly enforced by those attempting to influence them, that Canada would never be abandoned by France; and these tribes were confidently told that in a few months, a French army and fleet would be in the Saint Lawrence to retake the country.

As no effort was made on the part of the British authorities to satisfy the Indian mind, and no presents were given to conciliate it, the western tribes became more impressible to the belief in the danger which, the French traders declared, was threatening them. Indeed, at Albany and New York there was an entire misconception of the situation. The representations of Johnson as to the Indian power of mischief fell upon deaf ears; and although that able man made every possible exertion to remove the discontent of the tribes, not possessing means to make the presents he desired to offer, he was unable to dissipate the feeling of dissatisfaction and unfriendliness. On his part there was no misapprehension as to the source of the evil. He knew perfectly the extent which Indian jealousy and hate could be appealed to, likewise that it was not simply the missionary and trader who were active in encouraging the outbreak. After the news of the attack on Detroit, he reported to the lords of trade that he was well informed that "the Mississaugas and Chippewas had been greatly encouraged by officers sent among them from the governor of New Orleans."

The Ottawas, and even the Six Nations, regarded the territory on which they were domiciled as their own property; they looked upon the posts established by the French as concessions made by themselves for their own convenience, the more so, as they were kept in good humour by continual presents. On the Ohio the Shawanees and Delawares were unfriendly to the British. Their previous friendship had been

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PONTIAC.

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entirely transferred to the French, and they recollected the part they had played in 1759, when, led by French officers, they had desolated the Pennsylvanian frontier. During this period several of their number had been killed. The spirit of Indian revenge had kept the memory of these events alive; and if these tribes could be brought to act in unison with the more northern confederacy, they would bring formidable strength to the cause. At this date Johnson reported that the Six Nation confederacy was four thousand in number, and the Ottawas and Chippewas were also about four thousand. Owing to the general character of the Indian outbreak, and the long and persistent attack on Detroit, during which the garrison was cut off from the outer world, the name of the Ottawa chief, Pontiac, has obtained great prominence. Years afterwards stories concerning him were told by men in their old age, who, as boys and youths, were then living in Detroit, which, in my judgment, have given a fictitious importance to his character. Undoubtedly he obtained the sympathy of the many French Canadians established on the Detroit river, by whom the surrender of the fort by de Bellaître had been witnessed with grief.*

Pontiac does not appear in any way in history until the

* Writers of authority have traced to Pontiac's genius, activity and influence, the consummation of the union of the western tribes with those of the lakes in 1763, in the attempt to expel the British from the forts held by them. It is customary to speak of those dark days as the "Conspiracy of Pontiac." I cannot accept the belief that they can be assigned to any other cause but French inspiration, this remarkable man being one of its instruments. The theory, that with the view of furthering the interests of his race, and dreading that it would disappear before the advance of the British, he formed the policy of destroying every white man present in the territory as a soldier, or trader, is in my humble judgment not only inadmissible, but contradicted by evidence. The impression, once made upon the Indian mind of the necessity of such a policy, suggested that terrorism should be enlisted to make the reappearance of the hated race impossible. Pontiac was simply a man produced by the influences amid which he lived, and his was not the mind which formulated the character they assumed. As the complications increased, he came into prominence from his energy of purpose and undoubted ability, and to some extent he may have moulded the direction of the events in which he took so prominent a part. I refer to the official records of this date in support of my view.

siege of Detroit in 1763. He was met by Rogers at Cayahoga river, the present Cleveland, in Ohio, on the night of the 17th of November, 1760, when Rogers was proceeding to take possession of fort Detroit, after the capitulation of Montreal. There was nothing remarkable in the meeting. A party of Ottawa Indians, who had arrived at Detroit, came to the camp, when Rogers explained to them that Canada had capitulated to the British, and invited some of their chiefs to be present at the surrender of the French garrison. They replied in the Indian fashion that they would meet him in the morning. Rogers was not the man to be surprised, indeed he had little. to fear, for his force consisted of two hundred men ; nevertheless he remained on his guard during the night. In the morning the Ottawas appeared, when they informed him that they would send some of their younger men, the elder remaining to hunt for their wives and children. Rogers gave them a belt; the meeting was perfectly amicable. Owing to the stress of weather, Rogers was unable to leave until the 12th. During the four days he remained the Ottawas plentifully supplied the detachment with wild turkeys and venison, for which payment was made. The meeting was entirely uneventful, and only calls for mention on account of the statement that at this early date Pontiac gave indications of his hostility, and from the false impression entertained concerning it. Pontiac's name is not mentioned in the narrative.*

I am aware that a different account of this meeting has been given by Rogers, and its acceptance has led to the view from which I dissent. There are two works published under Rogers' name. I use this expression, for it may be doubted if either was actually written by him. We learn from sir William Johnson [N.Y. Doc.,VII., p. 989] that "as he (Rogers) is a very illiterate man he found it necessary to engage some person to do business for him," and we are told that Johnson knew him "since 1755, when, finding him an active man, I raised him to the Rank of a provincial Officer." His first work, "Journals of the several Excursions he made under the Generals who commanded in America during the late war, London, 1765,” is the one followed in the text [pp. 187-188.] It is undoubtedly a work of value, and is, to all appearance, what it represents to be, based on his notes taken at the date of the events he records, and is generally borne out by official documents. The second book, "A concise history of North America," of the same year, is evidently a bookseller's venture and is worthless. Written after Pontiac's name had obtained some notoriety, forgetting the